The Greater Eid, the Eid al Azha that falls after the Haj pilgrimage is a major Muslim festival. However, the two-and-a-half-day festival that witnesses animal sacrifices the world over is not about the expenditure and the travel to revered sites but about piety and being closer to the Almighty, writes Tasavur Mushtaq

Sunday, June 5 was a day with a difference. It was shining in the continuum of clouds. The morning mood was mesmerizing. Smiles and sobbing were in sync. The white-dominated the demeanour. There was peace. The first batch of 145 Hajis flew from Srinagar to the holy city of Mecca.

Having remained suspended due to the Covid19 pandemic for two years, the pilgrimage was restored in 2022. Emotional scenes were witnessed. A cherished goal for a practising Muslim, there is always an intention to go for a Hajj. However, health and finances act as a trigger.

The Process

The practice of Hajj performed in its current form dates back to more than 1400 years. However, some of its elements go back to the time of the Prophet Ibrahim (AS) in 1813 BC.

One of the five pillars of Islam, the Hajj pilgrimage is held in the second week of Dhu’l Hijjah, the last month of the Islamic calendar. It lasts between four to six days, depending upon one’s speed and the arrangements around.

A mandatory religious requirement, it is one of the world’s largest mass gatherings. An obligation, Muslims able to do so are required to make this pilgrimage at least once in their lifetime. It is a journey, denoting both the outward act of physically travelling and the inward act of a person’s contemplation of their faith.

This journey is a lesson that regardless of social and economical strata, everybody is seen as equal before the Almighty.

The Pandemic

In times of ravaging pandemic, a picture of a lone worshipper in the house of Allah had gone viral. Muslims across the globe were terrified to see the scene. Invoking prayers and seeking forgiveness. Otherwise, in shoulder-to-shoulder situations, the busy holy cities presented a deserted look. Beyond a symbolic event of a few men performing the Hajj, the routine was paralyzed. The sky-scraping structures towering around Islam’s most sacred sites were desolated – empty environs, battered boundaries, lifeless lanes, shocking spaces and engulfing emptiness. Life and liberties had come to the halt. The buzzing businesses, from barbers to barons struggled to secure their existence. A message from the Almighty that what is seen as a right is actually a grace.

This sector was affected in Kashmir as well. Rough estimates suggest more than Rs 1500 crore of loss was incurred due to a halt in the Hajj operations to the travel and related industry. Over the years, Kashmir has evolved a huge pilgrim tourism set-up involving mostly the Umrah, Haj and travels to various sacred lands in Iran and Iraq.

The Economy

The Hajj and its allied activities have emerged as a lucrative business, linked intricately to the economy, however, beautifully. Helping individuals and industries grow, it provides massive economic opportunities as every year millions of pilgrims from around the world visit the twin Saudi cities of Makkah and Medina. According to a rough estimate, the holy pilgrimage adds an estimated US$ 12 to 13 billion to the economy of the oil-rich kingdom. This is the second-largest revenue generator for the region after hydrocarbons, comprising 20 per cent of the kingdom’s non-oil GDP and seven per cent of total GDP.

Every year as estimates suggested by the Mecca Chamber of Commerce reveals that the average foreign Hajj pilgrim spends around US$ 5000 to 7000, mainly on boarding, lodging, and purchasing gifts and souvenirs. The kingdom has a plan to host 30 million pilgrims and Umrah performers by the year 2030.

Kashmir is not alien to its benefits. As this year around 6072 pilgrims were sent through government channels, and the private players have their own share of seats. Roughly, more than 30,000 Muslims go every year for Hajj and Umrah from Jammu and Kashmir, spending roughly Rs 800 crore.

The government has withdrawn the subsidy component, making Hajj slightly expensive. However much it costs, the faithful will continue to visit the holy cities. They simply cannot do Hajj anywhere else.

The Qurbani

Qurbani means sacrifice. Having its origin in the word Qurb, meaning “closeness”, the message is how the Prophet Ibrahim (AS) was willing to sacrifice his son Hazrat Ismail (AS) and demonstrate his degree of submission and closeness to Allah. The same was true for the son as well. As far as the distribution of this meat is concerned, the guidelines require that one-third is consumed by the immediate family, one-third is gifted to friends and relatives, and the remaining one-third is donated to the poor. Recipients include non-Muslims as well. The concept is to ensure that benefits reach a large segment of society, irrespective of their faith, colour or creed. Even in certain cases, meat is sent to poor countries, like Africa.

Essence apart, this activity is economically intensive and inclusive. It requires each pilgrim to sacrifice at least one animal before Hajj is declared complete. An accurate calculation would be too far. As per the data available, on average, the Kingdom consumes seven million sacrifices and if the average sacrifice goes by 800 Riyals, it will exceed sales of five billion Riyals. This is beyond the revenue generated by the product of sacrifice, hides.

In Kashmir, on average, every year mutton dealers would record sales of sacrificial animals to the tune of Rs 500 crore. The pandemic had its impact, as well, bringing down the figure by at least 50 per cent in the last few years.

Like previous years, the government this year has also fixed the rates. For Delhi Walla and Merino Cross varieties of sheep have been fixed at Rs 310 per kg, those of Bakerwal and Kashmiri varieties at Rs 295 per Kg, and goat has been fixed at Rs 285 per Kg. Overall, this Eid, the rates have become costlier by Rs 25 per Kg. However, the people engaged in rearing the herds insist that the rate-fixers hardly come out of the ivory towers to understand how an animal grows, what are the costs it entails and how has inflation impacted their capacity.

The Essence

The required rituals of this elaborate practice go beyond the concept of commerce. The essence of this entire exercise is moving closer to the Almighty, both in thought and practice. Avoid Satan, both with spirit and body. Indeed this is the essence of Islam.

While the blessed souls are already in Islam’s most sacred land on the journey of their lifetime, there is a need to be unburdened of many things, important being the Ego. The vice-versa would be a disaster.

If there is one thing that separates man from God, it is an inflated ego. Referred to as an-nafs-ul-ammarah, mixed with kibr (arrogance), this combo is confident of leading mankind astray. One may argue that it is human to feel jealous when you see people around at better places than you, but it is not the way Muslims have been taught to think or believe. This is the worst and least forgivable form of jealousy when there is a feeling that Allah is showing more favour to someone else, someone we think doesn’t deserve it the way we do. Iblis has turned into what jealousy has done to him.

Symbolic stoning of the devil (rami al-jamarat), one of the important rituals, in Hajj is not about the symbolism of throwing stones at the wall. A stone hit on the wall can never be beneficial, unless it has an impact on the thrower.  It is about conquering the inner self and annihilating the ego.

However, it would be too naïve to say that ego is something that can be curtailed forever. Never. It needs a regular conditioner. It will grow back, like our hair. But to stop it from becoming tangled, it needs a trim.

The fight against ego is the greatest struggle (Jihad al-Akbar) that a Muslim can endure.

Every step on the holy soil should help to flatten the inflated ego. This journey is to get a sense of sacrifice of self.  Understand the dynamics of being mortals. Fragility and sinfulness.

Tailpiece

As pilgrims, now referred to as Hajjis are in Mecca, they perform Tawaf Al Ifadha, where they circumambulate the Kaaba one last time. Afterwards, they shed their white robes and don their finest charming and colourful clothes. But, changing the attire should not change an attitude. The key lies in stripping themselves of anything that could indicate social standing.

The uniformity is the uniqueness of this massive gathering. Rich or poor, young or old, black or white, nothing matters. There is no consideration for the class. What is being thought of as a must is just a myth?

This journey is effort-intensive. In another way, it teaches us that “with hardship comes ease”. While performing the rituals, there is subtle teaching of being patient and expecting mercy from the Almighty.

The stoning of Shaytan should be construed as writing on the wall that evil can be curbed. Stoned and stalled.

Further, the important activity of sacrifice is not only to slaughter the animal but should consist of honesty and humanity.  Blood or flesh does not reach Allah, it is piety that matters.

While the rituals end, the reading should remain, forever.

Reviving memories of the 1996 tragedy, the flash flood – the third since 2015, near the cave shrine of Amarnath killed 15 pilgrims and injured many more. Authorities and Kashmir’s political class, however, are not on the same page as far as management of the yearly pilgrimage goes

Hours before the Asr prayers on Friday, July 8, the Kashmir Life newsroom got a one-liner from Aamir Ali, the engineer who has been overseeing the disaster management in Kashmir for the last many years. It suggested that some tents pitched near the cave shrine of Amarnath were damaged in a flood. Instead of picking up the phone, he sought texts. “I am on Hajj, right now in the Arafaat,” Aamir texted. Asked how he manages to stay in touch with the happenings above the snow line in Kashmir, when he personally is on Jabal ar-Raḥmah, the mountain of mercy, for Muslims. While sharing the details he had about the tragedy, he put a curt response to the query: “Human lives matter. Can’t shirk from my responsibility”.

The alleged cloudburst that triggered the muddy, swift and thick flash flood picked a challenging time. Kashmir was in Eid mood and the key priority was to make basic arrangements for the festival. The tragedy added gloom to an already tense environment. People, who had managed the 1996 tragedy, when a summer snowfall led to more than 246 killings over the twin tracks, started trembling with fear as the area is hugely fragile, unpredictable and vulnerable to natural disasters.

Horrifying Tales

Survivors told horrific experiences. Sithran (Budgam) resident, Riyaz Ahmad, a horse-man (groom) told reporters that pilgrims were resting in tents, including some lunghars (community kitchens), when the water abruptly gushed down the mountain. Those included the Gujarat woman, he had taken on his horse. “I was waiting outside,” he has said. “It was then that the water gushed in and swept away the langar and many tents. I was pushed down, but I managed to get up and leap out of the water, but most of the pilgrims could not.”

Deepak Chouhan from UP said the situation was horrifying. “Many pandals were washed away, stones also came rolling down,” he said. “We were evacuated by the army after the flow of water stopped.”

“I still shiver when I think about it,” Shiv Roshni, 64, a Delhi resident, said, insisting that when he failed to think of anything in the deafening noise of water, he closed his eyes and left it to fate. “There was no hope that I would survive. It was during the night that some policemen came and rescued us.”

Sumit, another pilgrim from Maharashtra, said there were eight deaths in 10 minutes. “We all had a harrowing experience as we witnessed people and bags being swept away by strong waves,” Sumit was quoted saying. “When the cloudburst took place, we could not believe it. After a while, we only saw water everywhere.”

“We didn’t know what it was,” Mrinal Dutt, 58, a Kolkata pilgrim told reporters at the Baltal medical facility. “We heard a roar and cries. Suddenly we saw water rushing towards us.” It was after a lot of efforts at the Panjtarni medical facility that he was stabilised and later flown downhill.

“There was a deafening noise as the water rushed down. I felt helpless. I closed my eyes and left it to fate,” says Shiv Roshni, a 64-year-old Amarnath pilgrim from Delhi.

“Everything was buried under a mountain of mud and rocks. I have never seen such an incident in my life,” a Hindu ascetic from eastern West Bengal, Ravi Dutt, 69, said, insisting the water gushed down from a mountain “sweeping away men, women and our belongings too”.

Quick Response

However, what helped manage the crisis faster and better was the swift response from the security grid. The twin tracks have never seen such a massive deployment of the security forces – army, police and all the paramilitary forces and disaster response personnel that were seen in the 2022 summer. “On an average, 10 to 15 security forces personnel are deployed for the security of each pilgrim,” NDTV reported.

Almost everybody including the host population professionals jumped in to the rescue and relief quickly. In fact, people who survived the flood survived eventually and did not die of cold or the absence of a medical facility. Though the helicopters could only move into the area, almost 17 hours after, the personnel deployed already on the ground had done the basic work. The deployments had already been there even before June 30, when the yatra formally began.

There were some brave hearts of the pilgrims also who jumped in to the rescue and relief. These included Bikaner (Rajasthan) cop, Sushil Khatri, 61, who had recently retired. He helped a few fellow pilgrims to escape the crisis but lost his own life.

Talking to the media, two days later, on July 11, Air Commodore Pankaj Mittal said the early induction of the IAF saved lives. The operation was small but the terrain and weather conditions were challenging. IAF inducted four MI-17 V5 and four cheetahs, which augmented from the unit at Leh, two fixed-wing assets bringing in manpower and assets from other parts of the country. The air force was able to carry out 112 missions during which it carried out 123 evacuations and flew 29 tonnes of material to the lower cave and Panchtarni areas.

Soon, the IAF flew sniffer dogs, handheld thermal imagers (Xaver 4000) and later even an earth remover was pulled up the snowline. The track restoration, for the first time in history, saw huge machinery including excavators and cutters. Most of the pilgrims rescued by the ground deployments were flown down by the IAF where adequate medical facilities were already in place.

Hunting for Reasons

Initially, the crisis was attributed to the cloudburst but Sonam Lotus Kashmir’s famous weatherman disagreed. He sees it as a “highly localised rain event” that triggered the flash flood. The IMD believes that 31 mm of rainfall for two hours cannot be a cloudburst, which normally requires more than 100 mm of rainfall in an hour. It is interesting to mention here all these mountains lack any facility that can help weathermen to offer some predictions. These instruments cannot be deployed in the area because it is hugely unpredictable. Blizzards, mudslides, heavy snowfall and massive wind storms are normal in the region.

Regardless of the factors behind the crisis, the huge waters almost devastated the track. Apart from damaging part of the 13-km foot track, the massive waters brought so much soil and stones that at some places it was almost 5 feet thick overlap.

Barring two cases in which the people were pulled out from the debris, there were not many other cases despite the use of sniffer dogs and thermal imagers. As the sun shone over the hills again, the officials said that this will harden the rubble and prevent any detection of a body. Though the authorities, this year, had given RFID – radio frequency identification, a form of wireless communication that uniquely identifies an object – to every pilgrim for security reasons, these small digital systems stop working if immersed in water or buried under mud.

LG Manoj Sinha was in the battle gear from the very moment the tragedy struck. He initially visited the sites within Srinagar and Ganderbal and later drove to the Pahalgam side where he spent a night with pilgrims at Nunwan. This was a huge morale booster for the pilgrims and the yatra managers. He moved up the hills with all the top officers as Kashmir remained busy with Eid celebrations.

Critique

This all, however, did not spare Sinha from being criticised by Kashmir’s political class. Dr Farooq Abdullah, Kashmir’s five-time Chief Minister, in fact, demanded a probe into the crisis. Abdullah said that the area where the cloudburst hit is very ‘dangerous’ and tents and langars should not have been pitched there. “It is for the first time (tents and langars were set up there). They used to be at Panjtarni. The government should probe it so that such things do not occur in the future,” Abdullah added.

In fact, in the media, it was also reported that a similar cloudburst had hit the same area in 2021. The saving was that there was no yatra in 2020 and 2021. There is also no reference to tents even being erected at this place, ever.

 Mehbooba Mufti also indicated if the tragedy was a man-manufacture. She said that the government has maintained silence and is not offering any details barring the deaths in which the bodies were recovered. What about the missing people, she asked, adding that the rush to the pilgrimage site is too huge in utter disregard for the fragile ecology it entails and the earlier recommendations made by the experts.

 Sinha Speaks

 Finally, six days after the tragedy, Sinha decided to tell his side of the story. Announcing that the yatra resumed after the operation was called off, Sinha said only 15 pilgrims were killed in the tragedy and nobody is missing. The media had reported that while 17 bodies have been recovered, more than 40 pilgrims are missing. “Fifty-five persons were injured and all, except two, have been discharged and have gone home,” Sinha told reporters at Srinagar Raj Bhavan. Families of the deceased will get Rs 10 lakh compensation.

Asked about the allegations that his administration avoided adequate measures in the wake of a flash flood in 2021, Sinha said on basis of the flow pattern of flashfloods in 2015 and 2021, the irrigation and flood control department erected a wall there. This wall, he said, saved a lot of lives. Now, the Surveyor General of India will create a digital contour mapping around the cave.

“Two years before, 7,500 people were permitted through both sides,” Sinha said when asked about the huge rush being permitted to dangerous terrain. “Last year, the shrine board improved the facilities and with the result, it was decided to allow 10,000 yatris from both the axis.”

With 10 thousand pilgrims a day, the 43-day yatra would see not more than 450 thousand pilgrims visit the cave shrine but the government has been saying in Delhi and Srinagar that a record number – as huge as eight lakhs, will be permitted. So far, more than 160 thousand have visited the shrine.

With PhD from the Delhi School of Planning and Architecture (1999) and a post-doctorate from Massachusetts Institute of Technology (2022), Dr Hakeem Sameer Hamdni’s The Syncretic Traditions of Islamic Religious Architecture of Kashmir (Early 14th –18th Century) filled a huge void that in Kashmir’s architectural history. Design Director at the INTACH Kashmir, his latest book Shi’ism in Kashmir: A History of Sunni-Shia Rivalry and Reconciliation is a daring attempt to probe an issue that no scholar has touched ever. A week after the book release, in a freewheeling interview, Sameer details why he choose the subject and what are the net outcomes for Kashmir

KASHMIR LIFE (KL): You are a trained architect with a specialisation in Islamic architecture. You did an excellent book on Kashmir’s medieval architecture that filled a wide gulf after a very long time. What prompted you to get into a very sensitive topic involving Kashmir’s sectarian tensions, an issue that attracted almost no scholar, so far?

HAKIM SAMEER HAMDANI (HSH): That is a question that is asked of me a lot, now that the book has been released. So how do I answer it? Well, let me start by saying that as you rightly pointed out my last book was on the Muslim Religious Architecture of Kashmir. And, it was during that very process of researching, I got interested or maybe intrigued by how our historiography has been used as a conscious tool in framing narratives which project the past as a milieu of religious and sectarian conflict.

This is especially true when we speak about a Shia or a Sunni society during the medieval or even early modern period but then this binary broadly covers how we also perceive Hindu-Muslim relations in the region. But then how historical is this narrative of an antagonistic past?

I do accept that our past is not one which upholds liberal representation, but then the material culture linked with it is replete with examples of what we could call negotiated pragmatism and co-existence. Unfortunately a great deal of our textual history, particularly in the genre of tazkiras (hagiographies) coming as it does from competing centres of power and patronage, often conflates symbols of belonging to a privileged class with religious or sectarian discrimination.

Also, the idea that the book breaches a sort of taboo in our society – a topic which can create divisions is something that I don’t personally agree with. In a way, this ‘let’s not talk about these problematic issues’ assumes that either as a society we are incapable of dealing with sensitive subjects or that as researchers we are so grounded in our own biases and prejudices that the task is virtually unachievable.

I disagree. I am of the view that we have the individual (if not institutional) capacities to as I said in another interview, “historicize or rather contextualize our past in a way that does not seek not-to-hide from differences- but also search, explore for shared similarities- similarities that made us Kashmiris”. That was the origin of a book which engages with a layered past and complex moments of our history with competing interests.

I may be repeating myself here, but to survive as a people, as a civilisation, we need to look at our past with all its dissensions,  pain-learn and ensure that we and our future generations will understand and realise the perils of sectarianism, just like communalism are too real and too near to be ignored. We also need to understand that differences will exist and where they exist, they need to be celebrated, not hidden behind a veil of assumed unity and uniformity.

KL: Kashmir’s transition to Islam is well-researched and documented. Would you shed some light on the history and evolution of Shia Islam, or what you call, Shia’ism in Kashmir?

HSH: If I may, I would rather contest this understanding. Yes, we have texts which account for the beginning of Muslim rule in Kashmir. But, this beginning of Muslim presence in Kashmir is still a rather grey area. We have narratives enshrined in texts which came in existence in the sixteenth, seventeenth or even eighteenth century as is the case with Khwaja Azam Dedhmari’s Vaqiati Kashmir, and these texts serve as our only basis of understanding the formative period of Muslim society in Kashmir. So a text like Baharistani Shahi or Tarikh i Kashmir of Malik Haider coming as they do from a Shia space would make us understand that the first Muslim saintly figure of the region Bulbul Shah was a Shia. But then, let us say from the genre of tazkirah, an early account such as Tazkira-i-Airifin of Baba Ali Raina would contest this, and locate early Muslim presence in Kashmir firmly in a Sunni space.

So we have these contesting latter-day texts, some written more than four centuries after the actual event, which forms the basis from which we seek to contextualise the beginning and the nature of Muslim beginning in Kashmir. Academically this has all the making of a grey zone.

Additionally, these texts also seek to firmly locate the beginning of Muslim society in their respective sects. The same is the case of the Nurbaksiyya Sufi order, which emerged in Kashmir during the closure of the fifteenth century. The founder of this order in Kashmir, Mir Shamsuddin Iraqi is seen in most Sunni accounts as the progenitor of Shi’ism in Kashmir, but it is difficult to establish the nature of his Shi’iness. That is why I do write in the introduction that the contours of Shiism during the Sultanate period are not sufficiently explained.

But then my book is not about the medieval period, it explores the nineteenth century instead. So hopefully someone in near future explores these early days of Muslim society in Kashmir beyond modern narratives, which have become frankly repetitive in their narratives.

KL: You briefly talk about revered Shia and Sunni figures. How do you approach how they are represented in histories with miracles directed against the other community?

HSH: Well, I believe that we judge or rather contextualise these events – these miracles in the mizaj of their occurrence not in their objective reality, nor considering our personal beliefs or biases. That has been my approach.

KL: Most of the biased or neutral histories source Kashmir’s sectarian tensions to the 32 years of Chak Rule. There are contested narratives on this. But what is your scholarship revealing because you are a scholar who does not go by hearsay or unsubstantiated events of history?

HSH: Not Chak rule, rather if we were to make an argument for a certain contestation based on the confessional identity of communities it would start during the fag end of the Shahmiri rule. The first recorded case we have of someone seeking to make Kashmir into a single denominational community is that of the Mughal conqueror, Mirza Haider Dughlat. In fact, he proudly states this in his own history, Tarikh-i Rashidi.

But then some of these sectarian contestations that originate in Dughlat’s court make themselves a part of the court politics in the Chak rule also. We have the execution of Qazi Musa during Yaqoob Shah Chak’s brief rule but then even Shia sources; Baharistan as well as Haidar Malik condemn his execution.

Conversely, you have two famous qasidah’s of Baba Dawood Khaki, the principal khalifah of the Suhrawardi saint, Shaykh Hamza Makhdoom, which celebrates Chak rulers, including Yosuf Shah as well as his uncle Husain Shah Chak. Also, we have intermarriage between ruling elites happening all through this period across any perceived sectarian fault line.

A Sunni-centric text, such as the tazkira of Baba Haider Tulmulli writes about two wives of Hussain Shah Chak who were not only Sunnis but also linked in a spiritual line of discipleship to Shaykh Hamza Makhdum. Then again we have the famous case of Habba Khatoon – who is a Sunni, though, like other women poetesses of Kashmir, you cannot locate her in contemporary texts.

So what I am trying to say is yes there are tensions, but then that is not the only history of that period. But, again let me clarify this book is not about medieval Kashmir, I only briefly touch on the period in trying to locate projections of a contested past.

KL: How did the power-play exhibit in the Mughal era of Kashmir after Chak’s were ousted from power? How correct is the notion that the Mughals persecuted Shia Muslims?

HSH: The renowned historian, Irfan Habib does link Akbar and the religious elite at his court with a sectarian, restrictive attitude towards the Shi’a till say around the early 1570s. The execution of Mirza Muqim Isfahani and Mir Yaqub, the envoys sent from Husain Shah Chak to the Mughal court by Akbar can be seen as a part of that attitude. But Kashmir was conquered in 1586 and the emperor proclaimed Din-i-Illahi in 1582. So it was a different Akbar. The conquest of Kashmir does have a certain sectarian undertone but the affair should be seen as part of the gradual process of expansion of centralised authority with vastly superior resources and a borderland region.

The relation between Delhi and Kashmir marks this tension between an expanding centre and a periphery in which, the result occurred on expected lines. Were the Mughals sectarian? No. Despite the bad press that they are getting these days, the Mughals were only interested in one profession ‘rulership’. Their notions of royalty almost overlap with the western notion of the divine right to rule. Jehangir in his comparison between court politics in Istanbul, Isfahan and Agra clearly speaks how unlike in Ottoman Turkey or Safavid Iran, Mughal India was open to both Sunnis and Shias. And, we find presence of Shia subedars or naib-subedars in Kashmir- Iteqad Khan, Abu Nasr Khan, Muzaffar Khan, Zafar Khan Ahsan, Ali Mardan Khan, Ibrahim Khan, Fazil Khan, Hussain Beg Khan, Qawam-ud Din Khan, Abu Mansur Safdar Jung, Afrisiyab Khan.

One should also realise that when the Mughals sought to conquer Kashmir, they were engaged in repeated battles with Kashmiri soldiers – a majority of whom were Shia. We have Jehangir writing about the traders of Kashmir hailing from the Sunni community and the soldiers belonging to the Shia and Nurbakshiyya communities. So in these circumstances, an event like the massacre of the Kashmiri soldier by the Mughals at Macchbawan can be seen as a massacre of Shias because they figured prominently in the Kashmiri army. But that would be a wrong reading. This was a massacre of Kashmiri soldiers seen as a threat to the Mughal Empire who were also Shia.

Again in the reign of Shah Jehan, we have the case of Khawja Khawand Mahmud Naqshbandi who was a Sufi shaykh, connected with the imperial family but was nevertheless banished from Srinagar because of his involvement in a Shia-Sunni riot. Also, a major Shia polemical work against the Sunnis, Al Biyaz-i-Ibrhami was authored in Kashmir under the direct patronage of the subedar, Ibrahim Khan. Yes sometimes the Shia would find themselves under restrictive circumstances but this was mostly a result of individual predilections of the subedar or even the emperor. It is only when we come to close to Mughal rule, with its collapse of central authority that the Shia get targeted because of their faith and also face riots.

KL: What was the state of sectarian tensions in the Afghan rule that is usually seen as oppressive across all sects?

HSH: As you said it was oppressive for all, but at certain moments it could and was more oppressive towards the Shia – also the Hindus. But then we also find the presence of a Shia subedar, Amir Khan Jawan Sher and Kifayat Khan. The Qizilbash component in the Afghan is also indicative of Shia presence though non-native.

The only instance of a prominent Kashmiri figure rising in the Afghan court is Mulla Hakim Jawad, whose son Mulla Hakim Azim would then serve as the chief physician at the court of the Sikh subedar, Shaykh Ghulam-ud Din and consequently Dogra ruler, Maharaja Gulab Singh. Also, under Afghans, we find the presence of a substantial contingent of Iranian Shia traders in the city who also patronised the native Shia community. But, like everything else, the Afghan period is a mixed bag for Kashmir and for the Shia, it is more on the oppressive side.

KL: Your book is focussed on nineteenth-century Kashmir. The era was an extension of Sikh rule in a way. What were the factors that led to the reconciliation between the different Muslim sects? How did it happen?

HSH: In the end, it is a gradual realisation that whether we see ourselves as Shia or Sunni, we are equally discriminated against, and seen as outsider Muslims by the court. The Shia-Sunni faultline is detrimental to our Muslim existence. It is a gradual process but once it commences – gradually from the community elite on either side, it does capture the imagination of the religious classes and more importantly the new class of educated Muslim youth. There are tensions on the way, but the Muslim fight against, what is perceived, as Hindu rule forms the basis of an ecumenical movement within the Kashmiri Muslim community.

KL: Who were the major players in the reconciliation process and what were the key events that exhibited the reconciliation?

HSH: There are many players – you could say the initial interaction between Mirwiaz Rasul Shah and Moulvi Haider Ansari did help in toning down the sectarian faultiness within the city to a level where they could be managed. Also individuals from the dynasty of Mufti Qawamuddin, also Aga Sayyid Musavi who is said to have visited revered Sunni shrines of Kashmir, at Char-I Sharif and Dastgir Sahab.

But, the figure who, in a way, formalises this process is Khawja Saaduddin Shawl. He does emerge as a visionary, who is working towards the formulation of Muslim political consciousness in Kashmir. In 1873, we had the last major Shia-Sunni riot in the city, and within a decade we saw Shawl working to tone down sectarian tensions in the city while also voicing Muslim grievances, hopes-aspirations. This outreach is positively welcomed by the Shia and the main figurehead who emerges in this engagement on the Shia side is Aga Sayyid Hussain Shah Jalali.

As we move towards the first decade of the twentieth century, we see that Shia elders, Aga Sayyid Husain Jalali and Hajji Jaffar Khan sign the memorandum of grievances authored on behalf of the Kashmiri Muslim community in 1907. Similarly, when after the disturbances in the Sericulture department, the durbar bans the daytime Ashura procession in 1924, Shawl helps Jalali in taking out a daytime procession in defiance of the order. This is the first Shia-Sunni march highlighting Muslim unity and was accompanied by two alams (standards) from the revered shrine of Asar-i-Sharif Kalashpora. The move is reciprocated by the Shia who also participate under Jalali’s leadership in the procession from Khanqah-i-Mualla to Char-i-Sharief.

This coming together of the two communities is also witnessed during the BJ Glency Commission of Inquiry in 1931, when the Shia representative, Mulla Hakim Muhammad Ali completely aligns with the demands of the Muslim Conference. In fact, he argues that the Muslim Conference is the sole representative of Kashmiri Muslims, Shia and Sunni alike.

You also see the involvement of Shia Youth in the formulation leading up to, and then in the Reading Room. We have three brothers, Hakim Ali, Hakim Safadr and Hakim Murtaza who are deeply involved with this process. The three are also involved with the organization of Ali Day at Zadibal, which also saw the representation of Kashmiri Sunnis.

I mean a decade earlier Zadibal would be an area avoided by most Sunnis from the city and now you have this public participation in commemorative events taking place in the heart of a Shia space. And, we have individuals such as Justice Sir Abdul Qadir of Lahore from Anjuman-i-Himayt-ul Islam, Raja Ghazanfar Ali of All India Muslim League.

And, then as we move into the 40s, individuals like Munshi Muhammad Ishaq or Aga Shaukat who become associated with this Muslim voice. And then those countless people who unfortunately are never named in histories, but whose contribution is so essential to any social or political movement.

KL: How did the reconciliation display itself post-1931, even though your scholarly work stops in that era, history, as you know, is continuity and sometimes flat.

HSH: Well as you rightly said the period from 1931 onwards is not a subject of my research but yes if you look at some pivotal moments in Kashmiri history post-47, like the Moi-Muqqadas Tahreek you would find active participation of major Shia figures such as Moulvi Abbas Ansari from Srinagar and Aga Sayyid Yusuf of Budgam. Also, the engagement of various scholars and academicians on various societal or religious issues is very visible.

You also find Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah playing a pivotal role in organising a single Ashura procession in the city – an event which was otherwise marked by rival processions between competing religious families within the Shia community. And, then the 1990s threw altogether new challenges and a new set of responses.

KL: For more than half of the millennium, Persian remained the lingua franca of Kashmir to the extent that the rise of Persian led to Kashmir being called the Iran-e-Sageer. Kashmir produced countless Persian intellectuals and poets. How did this Kashmir-Iran relationship impact the sectarian peace or conflict in history?

HSH: There is a Persian poet, who was Shah Jahan’s poet laureate who is also incidentally buried in Mazzar-i-Shura, Drugjan. A Shia, Qudsi is remembered for his naat in praise of the Prophet, Marhaba Sayyid-Ii-Makki Madaniul Arabi– a naat which was regularly recited on mehfil-i-malud amongst Kashmiri Sunnis. I have been told that occasionally it is still recited.

Similarly, we find that the majalis and lessons of masters such as Muhsin Fani, Ghani Kashmir, Mulla Sateh, Lala Malik Shaheed and countless others were attended by people and aspirants across sectarian identities. Ali Mardan Khan and Zaffar Khan Ahsan, both of Iranian origin are celebrated for the promotion of literature. Their sessions were attended by people across any sectarian or communal faultline and then helped in permeating the Persian language amongst sections of the Kashmiri population. Works on ethics, poetics, grammar and a host of other subjects compiled in Persian were studied and circulated without any bias of sect or sectarian identity. I have seen numerous Shia libraries which include codices of tafsir work in Persian that originate in the Sunni circles. Similar is the case in the field of calligraphy, which emerged as a major art form in the early modern period in Kashmir.

Centuries before the arrival of Shah-e-Hamadan and the rise of Sheikh Nooruddin Noorani in the fourteenth century, Kashmir knew about Islam and Muslims. Rajatarangini, Kashmir’s oldest poetic testament of ‘history’ offers enough details about Muslim living in Kashmir within less than 150 years after the prophet’s demise, writes Masood Hussain

Islam reached India within the lifetime of the prophet. The presence of the 15 x 40 ft Barwada Masjid in Gujarat’s ancient port town of Ghogha suggests that Islam reached India well before the prophet’s hijrat (migration) from Mecca to Madina. This dilapidated mosque almost faces the qibla-e-awal, the Jerusalem, a direction for prayers that changed towards Kabaa in 623 CE. Seemingly, the mosque was constructed within the first 13 years of Islam. By 700 CE, Muslims were ruling Sindh.

Interestingly, ancient Kashmir was also not as ignorant about Islam as it was earlier presumed. The presence of Muslims in Kashmir has been recorded less than 140 years after the demise of the prophet of Islam. Instead of Arab chroniclers, this information has been recorded by none other than Kalhana, Kashmir’s celebrated poet, who started writing about Kashmir’s kings and queens in 1148 CE. It took him almost two years to complete his Rajatarangini, the book that Kashmir showcases as the oldest written history of the region.

Kalhana, interestingly, avoided detailing the emergence of Islam in his chronicle – even though he lived in the times when a significant number of Muslims lived in Kashmir. His references to their presence are brief and linked to the local governance structure and its politics of it.

There were at least six Kashmir rulers in whose reigns Muslims existed. It is very difficult to determine if they were immigrants or natives. At one point in time the Muslims living in Kashmir periphery, mostly Dards, led a huge army into Kashmir. At another point in time, one of Kashmir’s kings sent a huge army against Mehmood Gaznavi in support of his ally in the Indian plains, mostly around current Punjab. It was well before the Gaznavi made two abortive attempts to get into Kashmir.

Vajriditya
(763-770)

Kalhana’s first mention of apparent Muslim presence in Kashmir is in the reign of Vajriditya, whom he terms a “cruel character” unlike his brother. The “wicked king” Kalhana makes us believe, was “a slave to avarice” and a “sensuous ruler” who had a large number of women in his seraglio – “with whom he diverted himself in turn, like a stallion with the mares”.

Kalhana has two major allegations against him. One, the king withdrew from Parihaspura temples “various foundations (granted) by his father”. Stein, who has worked on Rajatarangini, believes these could have been endowments sacerdotal apparatus and grants of the establishment. During the seven years of rule the “sinful king”, Kalhana (Book IV- 393-398) has recorded that “he sold many men to the Mlecchas and introduced into the country practices which befitted Mlecchas.”

Mlecchas were Muslims and Srinagar’s Malchimar is apparently the first locality where Muslims lived in the history of Kashmir. Though the word Mlecchas refers to “outsiders” in the pre-Islamic period, historians see them as Muslims after the spread of Islam.

Samgramraja
(1003-1028)

The first-ever ruler from Lohara dynasty, Samgramaraja was an interesting ruler. His ascend to the throne was ensured by “fickle-minded” Kashmir queen Didha, who killed all the possible heirs to the throne one by one and eventually married a Poonch buffalo herder, Tunga, her Prime Minister and the chief of the army. After Didha’s death, when Samgramaraja took over, Tunga remained the most powerful.

Samgramaraja had allies. One of them was Sahi Trilocanapala, the son of Ananadpala, the last independent prince of the Hindu Shahiya clan whose dynasty was ruling a vast belt from Kabul Valley to Gandhara up to Western Punjab. It was one of the most disturbing eras in the plains as Mahmood Gaznavi was attacking this belt. Tense, the Gandhara ruler sought help from the Kashmir king and he sent a huge army under Tunga’s leadership.

The host king, according to Kalhana (book VII: 47-51) was surprised that Tunga’s army, otherwise “capable of making (the) earth shake” was operating strangely – neither having night watches, not posting scouts and avoiding exercises and planning attacks. Sahi told Tunga: “Until you have become acquainted with the Turuska warfare, you should post yourself on the scarp of this hill, (keeping) idle against your desire.” But a powerful Tunga was “intoxicated” with self-confidence. One day, he caught Gaznavi’s reconnaissance troops and killed them, which inflated his pride.

“In the morning then came in fury and in full battle array the leader of the Turuska army himself, skilled in stratagem. Thereupon the army of Tunga dispersed immediately,” Kalhana recorded. “Beaten like a jackal” the Rajatarangini recorded, Tunga “marched back slowly to his own country”. With the pride gone, sometime later, the weak king, killed Tunga along with his son, which undid a parallel power centre. This was the first major development in Kashmir, which was literally dictated by the Muslim actions on its borders.

Almost two years later, Gaznavi made two abortive attempts to enter Kashmir through Tosa Maidan pass but the weather saved Kashmir. However, he took a lot of areas around Kashmir; got residents converted and constructed mosques. Some of his troops later entered Kashmir as well.

Harsa
(1089-1101)

Rajatarangini has a mention of Kashmir king Ananta (1028-1063), who was fond of horses and had been hiring horse trainers, apparently Muslims. In his era, Kashmir played host to the surviving Sahi princes who had escaped Gaznavi forces.

However, most of the Muslim presence is seen in the era of Harsa (1089-1101), Ananta’s grandson, one of the interesting and enigmatic Kashmir rulers. Interestingly, Kalhana lived in the era and his father served Harsa.

Harsa started well, and was a huge lover of poets and knowledge seekers. “Formerly people in this country had, with the single exception of the king, worn their hair loose, had carried no headdress and no ear-ornaments,” Kalhana wrote, crediting Harsa for introducing “elegant fashions” – seen by Stein and others as the impact of Muslim presence around. “In this land where the commander-in-chief Madana, by dressing his hair in braids, and the prime minister Jayananda, by wearing a short coat of bright colour, had incurred the king’s displeasure, there this ruler introduced for general wear a dress which was fit for a king.”

At the same time, the ambitious Harsa was cruel. He created a situation that his father died a miserable death. He killed his younger brother to take over the throne. Kalhana accuses him of “numerous acts of incest”, which he committed with his own sisters and widows of his father. He was extravagant and that emptied the coffers. In order to extract money, he started attacking temples and seizing all metals.

“There was not one temple in a village, town or in the city which was not despoiled of its images by that Turuska, King Harsa,” Kalhana wrote. Turuska was another name given to Muslims and Rajatarangini scholars are still indecisive if at all, an “iconoclast” Harsa was doing this under the influence of Muslims. “While continually supporting the Turuska captains of hundreds with money, this perverse-minded king ate domesticated pigs until his death.”

Experts are sure that Harsa’s style changes in dress were dictated by Muslim influence and they insist he had a lot of Mlecchas serving his army in top positions.

Towards the end of his life, Harsa was extremely cruel with the rise of serious resistance from the growers, the Damras. He sent his army to massacre them. “He first attacked numerous Damarm of Holada in Madavarajya, and killed them just like birds in their nest,” Kalhana recorded about Harsa’s army’s actions around the Wullar lake. “While he was killing the Lavanyas (now Lone’s), he left in Madavarajaya not even a Brahman alive if he wore his hair dressed high and was of prominent appearance.” This terror led some of the Lavanyas to eat “cow meat in the lands of the Mlecchas”.

Bhiksacara
(1120-21)

The situation seemingly was changing quite fast in Kashmir as there were many claimants to the throne. Lohara king, Bhiksacara was weak and unable to manage the affairs of the country. His bete noire was Sussala. One day the king sent Bimba, his prime minister, with an army against Sussalu.

“Accompanied by Somapala, he drew to himself for assistance a force of Turuskas, the SallaraVismayahaving become an ally,” recorded Rajatarangini. Most scholars believe Sallara is an Arabic salar, the army chief. “Every single horseman among the Turuskascan said boastfully, showing a rope: “With this, I shall bind and drag along Sussala.” Who indeed would not have thought this coalition of Kashmiarin, Khasa and Mleccha forces capable of uprooting everything?”

What happened to the campaign is interesting. When Sussalu confronted the army, the soldiers deserted and joined him and eventually accompanied him to take over the throne in Kashmir! Experts believe that the Muslims who were allies of the Srinagar court were “of course, Muhaminadans from the Panjab or the lower hills.”

Jayasimha
(1128-49)

It was the worst of the civil war in Kashmir. While the Lohara dynasty members were fighting each other, the powerful peripheral feudal, the Damaras were holding sway.

“When Sanjapala went into camp with the Yavanas, the enemy became motionless, as trees keeping still in a calm,” Kalhana wrote. Yavanas is the other name that medieval Hindu writers have given to Muslims, in addition to Turuskas and Mlecchas.

This era was made interesting by the crisis that erupted after Dards lost their leader. A new succession battle emerged. As Jayasimha attempted to address it, it boomeranged and literally impacted his kingdom.

“Tile chiefs of the Mleecchas issued forth from the valleys adjoining Mount Himalaya from those which had witnessed the hidden indiscretions of the wife of wife of Kubera, and those were the cave-swellings resound with the songs of the city of the Kimnaras; from those to which knew of coolness on one side of the hot-sand ocean (valukambhodhi), and those which delight with their mountain breezes the Uttrakurus. Filing (all) regions with their horses they joined the camp of Darad-lord,” Kalhana recorded. Stein believes Uttarakrurus in the mythologic geography of the Indian Epos on the pattern of Hyperborean paradise. By valukambhodhi, he believes Kalhana means East Turkistan and Tibet.

Stein, however, makes two key observations. First, had Kalhana avoided the “mythical geography of the Himalaya regions”, we might have got the old names of “Astor, Gilgit, Skardo, and other regions on the upper Indus from which Viddasiha’s auxiliaries were in all probability drawn.” Second, if stress can be laid on the term Mleccha, “we should have to conclude that the conversion of the Dard tribes on the Indus from Buddhism to Islam had already made great progress in the twelfth century.”

The situation, however, triggers a serious conflict between Mlecchas from Dard areas and a Hindu Kashmir. It was a conspiracy between Bhoja and Kashmir king’s courtiers. The Dard army reached up to Wullar lake in 1140 summer.

“Subsequently he (Viddasiha) kept moving one march behind him, collecting the troops among which were numerous bands of Mlecchas. As the force which followed him, made the world tremble, Salhana’s son thought in his valour that he had the whole earth in his hands. Then the force strengthened by horsemen and the Mleccha chiefs, took its position at a place called Samudradhara, which put in terror (?),” Kalhana recorded of this conflict. “The proud Darda army then descended from the mountain gorges to battle with their horses, which carried golden trappings. The people feared that the territory invaded by the Turuskas had fallen [altogether] into their power, and thought that the whole country was overrun by the Mlecchas.”

However, they were attacked by a more powerful and formal army in Kashmir and defeated.

Early Influences

The reality remains that the Muslims in the early twelfth century were enough in number in Kashmir surroundings that they could mount a war in Kashmir. If it was the case then Kashmir’s transition to Islam must have started many centuries before Amir-e-Kabir and Nund Reshi, the two icons from the Muslim Sufi and Rishi orders, who are accredited for their contributions to the watershed shift in Kashmir’s faith and value system.

“Kashmir did not live in isolation. Trade was taking place throughout,” top historian and former Vice Chancellor of Allahabad University, Prof Rattan Lal Hangloo said. “Even Laltadatiya had Turks as allies and his harem had Turkish women. When Turks became Muslims, their relations with their allies did not change.”

Hangloo said Mlecchas was being used to describe all outsiders including Muslims unlike Turukas – still in vogue in parts of South India, which essentially meant Muslim. “The Turk Muslims brought in the idea of protection and sense of justice and that contributed to its spread,” Hangloo said.

Historian Prof Mohammad Ashraf Wani, whose The Making of Early Kashmir: Intercultural Networks and Identity Formation was published by Routledge in early 2023 said barring a brief period of Gaznavi invasion, Kashmir was never closed or inaccessible. In the eleventh and twelfth centuries, he said, “we find the influx of people from erstwhile Śhahi kingdom, “foreign horse dealers,” dealers in “Turuśka girls, born in various distant regions,” artists from “Turuśka country,” employment of singers and dancers of “other lands,” induction of Brahmanas from Karnataka in the nobility of Kalasa, liberal patronage to talent “who had arrived from various countries” by Harśa and the existence of a colony of Saracens (Muslims) in the thirteenth century in Kashmir”. Kashmir, he asserted, “was not under any geographical siege; instead, the commercial, cultural and diplomatic relations with the neighbouring world continued unabated for a brief disruption during Mahmud’s invasion of north India.”

Kashmir’s transition to Islam was neither the outcome of a forced conversion nor an abrupt miracle by any saint. It was a gradual process of interaction and understanding that spanned more than 400 years when a Muslim started ruling Kashmir, scholars Mohammad Ashraf Wani and Aman Ashraf Wani write

Around 883 CE, the Arab amir of Sind, Abd Allah received a letter from the then ruler of Kashmir requesting to arrange for him a hindiyah (Hindavi or Sanskrit) version of exegesis (tafsir) of the law of Islam. It is not surprising should we consider that right from the Arab control of Sind and Multan in the beginning of eighth century Kashmir was face to face with Islam.

Initially, the Kashmiri rulers were under great threat of Arab incursions forcing them to enter into alliances with the powers in the neighbourhood to checkmate the Arab advancement. As Kashmiri rulers had matrimonial and diplomatic relations with the ruling family of Sind, Kashmir became a safe place for asylum seekers including a fugitive Arab commander and his corps.

However, once the fear of invasion was allayed, the Kashmiri rulers realised the significance of being pragmatic and sent the feelers of befriending the Arabs who were occupying the borderlands of Kashmir, the most crucial lifeline of the valley.

The Kashmiri rajas did not only throw the borders open to Muslims but they also gave them all the facilities to conduct hassle-free trade between Kashmir and the neighbouring world. In this regard, it may be mentioned that Arab and Persian merchants, both Muslims and Jews, operated in the coastal areas of Sind. By the early eighth century, the northern and western regions of what today is Afghanistan also came under the control of Arabs.

Persian Traders

Meanwhile, the evidence of significant Persianate-Islamic influences in the neighbouring Multan has come down to us. We are told that in addition to Arabic, comprehensible Persian (farsiyyati mafhumat) was spoken in Multan in the tenth century obviously because of its position as a terminal of the Khurasan trade. According to contemporary sources, tenth-century Kabul was populated by Muslims, Jews and Hinduwān (Hindus). The Muslim traders operating in Sind and Kabul were both Arabs and Persians. That they, alongside Jews, traded in Kashmir is borne out by Al-Biruni who says that no one, not even a Jew or Hindu, was allowed to enter Kashmir during the Ghaznavid incursions on Hindu Śhahi kingdom, which extended from Kabul to Punjab.

However, when the Ghaznavids of Afghanistan established their empire on the north and western borders of Kashmir, the Kashmiri rajas, while taking a cue from their predecessors, realised the significance of being pragmatic in their relations with a formidable neighbour, and thus whole-heartedly owned the Muslim Turks leading to an unprecedented influx of the Persianate-Islamic background Muslims into the valley. Given that from the beginning of the eleventh century, the balance of power shifted in favour of the Persianate background Ghaznavids making Persian and the Persianate-Islamic culture “prestigious imitation” in the Ghaznavid Indian empire influencing Kashmir too, it comes as no surprise to see a learned Kashmiri, Tilak proficient in Hindavi and Persian which enabled him to get entry at the court of Ghaznavid ruler, Sultan Mas’ud (1031–1041) as a translator (mutarjim).

Impressive Turk Presence

There is no doubt that with the Ghaznavid control over the west and north-west borderlands of Kashmir at the beginning of the eleventh century Kashmir’s encounter with Persianate-Islamic culture increased exponentially to the extent that we find Muslim Turks holding commanding positions in the armies of Ananta (1028–1063), Harśa (1089–1101), Biksukara (1120–1121) and Jayasimha (1128–1149).

The impressive presence of Muslim Turks in the courts of the Hindu rajas of Kashmir presupposes the impact of Persianate-Islamic culture on the courtly milieus, a glimpse of which we have in Kalhana’s description of the cultural project of the connoisseur King Harśa.

In the preceding pages, we have discussed that following his disposition for glamour and aesthetics, Harśa introduced into Kashmir, especially in his courtly life, the salient attributes of exotic cultures which satisfied his special tastes. He was also perhaps impressed by the stories of the grandeur of the Sassanian courts which had also impressed the Muslim rulers. Indeed, the Sasanian courts had become imitable models for the Muslims since the “Abbasid caliphs who modelled much of their court culture on that of the Sassanian kings” whose territories they had inherited.

The Ghaznavids, who ruled just on the other side of Kashmir’s western and north-western borders, faithfully followed this tradition of their predecessors. And as the Kashmiri rajas had intimate relations with the Ghaznavid courtly milieu through the Turuśka captains and artisans they recruited and the

Turuśka concubines they had in their seraglio, it is no surprise that Harśa modelled much of his court culture on that of the Sasanian kings creating a common bond rooted in the etiquette and rituals of kingship. This is what one can gather from the information we have about his splendid palaces, pleasure gardens and, more so, about “the lustre of his new sovereignty” which he displayed by issuing a dress code and other related instructions to his courtiers.

Aural Stein notes the likelihood that the “change of fashion here referred to have had something to do with the customs (of the Muslim Sultanates to the west).” Finbarr Flood shows a firm inclination to agree with Stein because during “the eleventh and twelfth centuries the Turkic amirs and Sultans who dominated the eastern Islamic world provided the models for court cultures from Armenia to Afghanistan.” Also, the Hindu rajas of Kashmir showed no qualms to emulate the Turks as is shown by the employment of a Turk Muslim artisan to gild the parasol (chatr) covering the central icon of a Śiva temple. Flood even believes that the artists who painted Alchi frescoes showing inter alai Muslim robes hailed from Kashmir.

Harśa was also probably influenced by the much-circulated stories of proverbial justice of some Sasanian and Muslim rulers, especially Khusrau Anu Shirwan (531–578 CE) and Harun al-Rashid (786–809 CE). While the circulation of the stories of justice of Harun al-Rashid by Muslims is understandable, what is more significant is that they played an important role in propagating the just rule of Anu Shirwan by telling and retelling these stories in their Arabic and Persian works perhaps to use it as one more tool in an overwhelmingly Persianate environment to realise the Islamic ideals of kingship in which the dispensation of justice features prominently. After all, it is the Muslims who popularised him by the title of Naushirwān-i-Adil – Naushirwan, the just—the popularity which perhaps also travelled to Kashmir through contacts with the Muslims both inside and outside the valley and impressed Harśa who was known for emulating the exotic.

Thus, to ensure that justice is done to the victims, especially to the powerless who had no access to the court, Harśa, like Anu Shirwan, introduced a novelty of putting up bells (at his palace gate) the ringing of which would facilitate the speedy delivery of justice by the king himself.

Inter-Region Relations

Apart from employing people regardless of their ethnic/religious/spatial backgrounds by the two neighbours – Ghaznavids and Kashmiri rajas, there was a continuous movement of people between Kashmir and the Muslim-ruled neighbourhoods for political, commercial and religious purposes.

Even many Kashmiris settled in the Muslim-ruled neighbourhood, and a good number of Muslims from proximate neighbourhoods made Kashmir as their permanent abode giving birth to a colony of Muslims in Srinagar.

The intimate encounter with the Islamic culture was pregnant with making a vital impact on Kashmir, but we have only a few fleeting references in the sources as it was not the subject of interest for Kalhana to whom everything non-Brahmanic was abominable; nor did it arouse the curiosity of other contemporary Sanskrit writers of Kashmir.

Yet a glimpse of this impact can be had from the usage of a few Sanskritised Persian terms by Kalhana, namely, divara (Pr. dabir), ganja (Pr. ganj), ganjawara (Pr. gangwar) and Hammira (Pr. Amir). The appropriation of the terms of the “other” sets the process of “internalization” of the other or “othering” of the self, a movement of accommodation of the culture that it represents. Moreover, it points to a long history of contact Kashmir had with the Persianate-Islamic culture.

Mleechas in Kashmir

Kalhana refers to a powerful faction of kingmakers, Lavanyas “taking cow’s meat in the lands of Mleechas” testifying to their not mere outward public self-representation but a thorough absorption into the dominant Persianate-Islamic culture of the neighbourhood with which the prestigious sections of Kashmir—rulers, nobles, elite and the traders—had intimate relations.

Indeed, cosmopolitan of all sorts was considered an asset for the state. That is why we find the borders being left open to religious preachers.

Kśemandra, the famous polymath of eleventh-century Kashmir, makes a casual but intriguing mention of the presence of “Muslim singers” (mleccha gayānah) in Kashmir. It is intriguing because the writer refers to the “Muslim singers” in the context of a courtesan who refuses to accept fee from her clients “for fear of mleccha gayānah who wandered the streets.”

These Mleccha singers were in all probability the manāqib khawāns or fadā’il khawāns, who besides singing in praise of Allāh extolled the virtues of ‘Ali (in case of being Shi‘is) and other companions of the Prophet (in case of being Sunnis) in the streets and bazaars of Iran and Central Asia as a propaganda technique to spread their belief and influence. The manāqib khawāns, it may be noted, existed in “Iraq” since the Būyid period (932–1055 CE).

These Mleccha singers of the Sanskrit scholar had gained so much prestige and influence because of their exemplary piety that the courtesans (who otherwise freely indulged in prostitution under the very nose of local religious gurus and state authorities) refused to entertain the clients at their sight.

That by the beginning of the thirteenth century Muslims formed an important section of the Kashmiri population and that Persianate Islamic culture had made great strides are further borne out by a recently discovered copy of the Qur’ān written by one Fateh Allāh Kashmiri in 1237 CE. It is written in such a fine style and form that according to Muhammad Yūsuf Teng, “it would have taken hundreds of years to the Kashmiri Muslims to attain such a proficiency in Arabic script.” What is more significant about this copy of the Qur’ān is that it also contains a Persian translation. The Qur’ān with Persian translation, inter alia, unmistakably proves the increasing presence of Muslim preachers and their activities in the valley many centuries before the establishment of the Muslim Sultanate.

Marco Polo Records

Significantly enough, of the very few facts, which Marco Polo chose worth recording about Kashmir, is the existence of a section of Muslims in Kashmir who worked as butchers for Kashmiri non-Muslims.

It is puzzling to notice only Muslims playing butchers for Kashmiri non-Muslims, especially when we know that animal sacrifice (pasu-yaga) and eating of meat (mamsa) were among the main rituals of Tantricism – the popular religious philosophy of Kashmir much before the birth of the Prophet of Islam – which left a deep imprint upon Kashmiri Brāhmanism.

The veracity of Marco Polo’s evidence cannot be questioned because it still holds good. The Kashmiri brāhmanas are meat eaters all and sundry; but they do not kill animals themselves; instead, they employ Muslims for the purpose. Then the question arises as to who acted as butchers before the saracens (Muslims). There can be no other answer save the one that some local group performed this job. It is, therefore, irresistible to conclude that probably the entire section of the local butchers had embraced Islam by the end of the thirteenth century. They had a socio-psychological temptation to embrace Islam as they belonged to some lower social group—the stigma that they could not live down, particularly after the revival of Brāhmanism in Kashmir.

Bublbul Shah and Rinchna

Although there is evidence to suggest that the Muslim preachers continued to be present in Kashmir, only the name of a Suhrawardi saint, Sayyid Sharaf al-Dīn commonly known as Bulbul Shah, has survived to us. He came to Kashmir during the reign of Suhadeva. His name was rescued from falling into oblivion by one of his most extraordinary achievements.

He was instrumental in converting the reigning Buddhist ruler of Kashmir, Rinchana (1320–1323 CE) to Islam. And in order to pay tribute to his memory, Rinchana (now Sadr al-Dīn) constructed a khānaqāh after his name and endowed it with a rent-free land grant. The khānaqāh, which is the first known khānaqāh of Kashmir, became so famous that the muhalla, where it was built came to be known as Bulbul Langar. Besides the khānaqāh, Sultān Sadar al-Dīn also constructed a Jami Mosque in his newly built capital Rinchanpura (Srinagar).

Considering that Sayyid Sharaf al-Dīn came all the way from Turkistan trekking through the difficult and inhospitable mountainous terrain to propagate Islam in an alien and non-Muslim land, and also bearing in mind that he belonged to the institutional phase of Sūfism characterised by pīr-murīd relationship, it can be safely inferred that the Suhrawardī saint would have been accompanied by a big group of murīds (disciples) and khudām (ancillary staff) as was commonplace with every religious mission of the time.

The conversion of the ruler to Islam marked a turning point in the history of Islam in Kashmir. Not only did Islam now receive political patronage but also became a “reference group culture”—a status-improving way of life, as the Muslim was elevated from a mleccha to a monarch. This is besides the fact that the conversion of the ruler would have validated the religious superiority of Islam vis-à-vis other religions of the period with obvious consequences.

In this connection, it should be borne in mind that Rinchana embraced Islam after having discussions with the Hindu, Buddhist and Muslim religious personages of the period. All in all, therefore, Rinchana’s conversion to Islam was followed by the conversion of a large number of people including his Hindu prime minister, Rāwanchandra, who also happens to be the predecessor of a very influential noble family of Chandān, famous as Rainas in our sources.

The streaming of Muslims into Kashmir continued unabated till the Muslim Sultanate was finally established in 1339. One among the lately arrived immigrants was Shah Mir, the future founder of the Muslim Sultanate in Kashmir. Coming from the royal family of Swāt, he along with his tribe entered Kashmir around 1313 and was bestowed with a land grant and an important position in the administration by the then ruler, Suhadeva (1301–1320). Thus the Muslim Sultanate, which finally came into existence in 1339, was not the result of any military conquest of Kashmir by the Muslims but was founded by a Muslim immigrant, Shah Mir, who, along with many other Muslim settlers from the neighbouring Muslim-ruled territories, had settled in the valley and shown exemplary qualities of leadership to bail the people out of centuries of misrule and recurrent foreign invasions prompted by the internal chaotic conditions of Kashmir.

(The passages were excerpted from the book The Making of Early Kashmir: Intercultural Networks and Identity Formation, which Routledge published in early 2023. Historian, Prof Ashraf retired as head of the history department at the University of Kashmir. Aman is serving the education department. The excerpt republishing was permitted by the publisher.)

Within a few months after moving out of the classroom, a young reporter in Kashmir Life landed in a team that shot an infotainment series for Ramzan, the Muslim month of fasting. Unprecedented, the almost all-women initiative was a huge success. Babra Wani connects dots and anecdotes to offer the behind-the-camera story.

I was working on a new story when Sabreen Ashraf, my friend and classmate, entered the newsroom, in the first week of Ramzan. She sat exactly next to me and said, “We are recording a video series in Ramzan that will be webcast on daily basis”. Excited, I kept my laptop aside and asked her for more details. The details looked interesting.

The idea of the first-of-its-kind series, about Islam, the Quran and Muslims envisaged travelling across Kashmir. It was a bit of effort to somehow get associated with it. Quickly a research team was constituted and we were four in the team – me, Insha, our senior Humaira and a junior Maleeha Sofi. Peculiar to the Kashmir Life newsroom, as I understood later, the initiative was literally an all-woman affair. The entire research team was women, the anchor was a lady and the editor of the show was Iqra Akhoon, the head of Kashmir Life’s audio-visual vertical.

The entire camera work, however, was done by Shuaib Wani with Mushtaq Ahmad and Imran also joining on special shoots. One day, even online editor, Raashid Andrabi willingly handled the camera.

Once the team was ready, it still required a lot of brainstorming. Almost everybody contributed to making the programme better. It was named Jashn e Ramadhan because the members felt that the Muslim month of fasting is being observed in such a way that it is not visibly a celebration as it is in the rest of the Muslim world.

Unwilling to Talk

The journey for this series was not an easy one but very memorable. As we moved from one place to another, we encountered different experiences some pleasant others not so pleasant. From each one of these short day-long journeys, we learnt a lot. It never was what the classroom was all about. It evolved on its own, the excitement, the challenge, the locations, the tensions of deadlines, peoples’ unwillingness to talk and having the best photogenic spots.

However, the biggest lesson I believe all of us learnt through the series was that of patience and understanding. Patience while coming across rude people and understanding why people would not talk to us. We all grew through this series.

We also learnt camera fear is so real and convincing people to talk to us was a really daunting task. I saw people covering their faces and running away just at the sight of the camera. And even if people came to talk, once they knew the series had Islamic questions, they backed out. It was so difficult to get the people to talk. Sometimes we were able to give away all three prizes and sometimes we returned back with one. Sometimes we reached back home early and other times after iftar was done. The 15 minutes of every episode was not an easy task. These were hours of travel, interaction and desperation to locate people willing to talk. After all, outreach was key to the series.

From framing questions during the nights to researching locations we were travelling to, everything seemed tiring at times. Despite the limitation of resources and our lack of knowledge about Kashmir outside Srinagar, we kept going simply because the audience loved it.  Every morning I wake up I make it a point that I read all the comments and seeing how positively our series was received and accepted gives us immense pleasure.

Rediscovering Kashmir

 Jashn e Ramadhan took me and Sabreen to places we had never been to. We explored different places and learnt about different people all through this series. Our journey began with Jamia Masjid, the place of immense importance in the history of Kashmir. And North Kashmir was our last destination. And for us, the series showed us the beauty of places and people.

We saw the white orchards of Kulgam and the yellow fields of Pampore. We went through the green roads of Watlab and walked along the markets of Bijbehara. We went from shrine to shrine in Qaimoh and crossed the Sangam of rivers in Anantnag.

We drove to places we ourselves did not have any information about. Every episode we published offered some idea about the hard work the team put in. It gradually evolved. Every new episode was perhaps better than the earlier one and this series helped us know what a perfect episode is all about. The beauty of the series was how people instantly connected to it and enjoyed it thoroughly. We learnt and we grew together in this journey of Islam and Kashmir.

For the first time in my life, I visited Khankah e Moula and it was not any lesser than a dream come true. To be able to visit a place of such immense importance and to be able to witness people’s faith there seemed surreal. Every time I remember it I feel a sense of relief. When we visited Aali Masjid I was pleasantly surprised to be able to read the history of the beautiful mosque, to be able to relax under the shade of the Chinars there, to be able to see how much people knew.

Team Spirit

It was not an individual effort but a collective one. From Sabreen’s hosting to Shoaib Wani’s camera work to Mushtaq Sahab’s efforts to improve our research and to the flawless editing by Iqra Ma’am, each one of us had an important role to play and each one of us received credit. There were instances when some challenging episode was edited during the dead of the night. A few episodes, professionals may disagree, were shot, edited and used on the same day.

When we began the series our knowledge of Islam was limited, limited to a few basic things we have been taught in childhood. But Jashn e Ramzan we learnt so many new things about Islam, the Quran and Muslim history. Framing even a single question took us hours of studies and scrolling through different Islamic websites and blogs, we read books about Islam about Seerat e Nabvi to set questions and for every episode, we needed to frame almost twenty questions. The questions went through various stages before getting finalised. Though the process was exhausting and tough, yet every time we learnt new things and every time we learnt more.

Yes, we committed mistakes. And, yes, we rectified them.

Partners and Prizes

The series could happen only when Kashmir Life got three partners – the Kanwal Food and Spices; the JamKash Vehicleads and Alloha. It was done by the business section and that took them their own time.

Every time somebody won a prize all of us felt really happy to know how people had such great knowledge about their faith. Every time Sabreen stood in front of the camera, she was very nervous, she rechecked everything more than thrice just not to make any mistakes. And every time we began shooting all of us prayed to Allah for confidence and help.

The memorable part, however, for me was how children everywhere were more than willing and excited to participate, talk, face the camera and try their luck. Some recited Qur’an for us while others chose to recite beautiful naats for us. Young girls came to us everywhere to talk to us and asked about who we are and what we are doing. These boys and girls made us happy and vindicated that the idea was not as small as it looked in the routine newsroom brainstorming.

Education

There were many places that I, Sabreen and Insha visited for the first time in my life and knowing about the place through its history, its people and its culture was such an amazing experience. For example, I never knew that Bandipora was such beautiful, but when I first saw it, I was mesmerized, by its picturesque beauty and by the politeness of the people there.

I never knew that stone carving was a thing in Bandipora as well, I had a concept that stone carving was just done in and around Pampore. However, through this series, I learnt that and I learnt about various issues the people involved were facing. Our team came across some different scenes, from a stone carver with hearing and speaking impairment to a woman who was selling vegetables in Sopore, every person we met had a story to share.

We learnt about the different shrines of different places, from the Khee Naag in Kulgam to the shrine of Baba Shakurdin in Sopore, we visited many places of cultural importance.

Through this series, we learnt about different types of bread. What naan khoashek is in the South is Kulche in North Kashmir, what is kandi kulche in the South is mitthe biscuit at other places. We learnt about different dialects. We learnt about different types of pickles. We travelled along Jhelum and Wular. We saw Sangam, not just of three rivers but of different people as well. We met people with immense knowledge and we met people who did not know anything at all.

Weak Economy

Shopkeepers and street vendors in every place we talked to said they have landed in a very economy. Every one of them wanted to talk to us about the severity of the issues they were facing.

As the series went public, people started to recognise us. There were many people who came to us and wanted to try their luck. A man with two daughters we met in Sopore came to us and gave us feedback. A young boy who talked to us in Anantnag said he watched all the episodes and recognised us while travelling with his father. Many people came and complimented our efforts especially Sabreen’s.

In some areas, however, we had some unpleasant experiences as well. There were places where the team was hounded by a crowd. People tried to take pictures and videos and when we stopped them, they argued. Generally, however, people were respectful and we were highly appreciative of that.

Hospitality

While we travelled in all directions from Srinagar, I witnessed the hospitality of people and how it was the same all across the valley. The people of Kulgam and Sopore asked us to stay at their places to make us feel comfortable.

This series not only took us to places but it showed us the rawer side of everything, every place, every person.

Before concluding this personal experience, I need to put on record that the team shot a lot more than what was used. The decision was to make it light and manage one area in one episode. Many episodes that were shot were not used because we could only publish 15 episodes. There was a thought process that the series should move to Shawaal, post-Eid, but its name did not permit that luxury.

I pray the Jashn continues in the 1445’s Ramzan too.

(The author is an intern with Kashmir Life and intends to hone her skills in the newsroom across print and audio-visual verticals.)

Even the landslides on Mughal Road prevented a lot of people from joining the Urs, Wangat remained too crowded during the 3-day festival, reports Syed Shadab Ali Gillani

After Covid19 lockdown and the demise of Mian Bashiruddin, Wangat hosted the massive annual congregation at Baba Nagri. Tens of thousands of people ensure their attendance at the annual Urs of Hazrat Nizamuddin Kiyanawi, the most respected spiritual leader of Gujjars, has a following on both sides of the political divide.

For them, June 8, is a huge festival as thousMian Altrands of people from Poonch, Rajouri, Kupwara, Bandipora, Shopian, Kathua and other parts of Jammu and Kashmir, as well as other states, ascend to the spot of the shrine.

25 Visits

Haji Abdul Rashid from Kalakote (Rajouri) has never missed the Urs in the last 25 years. ” This year I believe there are around 10,000 more people than last year,” Haji said. “People across Jammu and Kashmir and even from outside come here. Earlier people used to visit from Pakistan, too.”

The net difference, Rashid said, is that earlier people used to foot the distance and now they travel in huge caravans of cars. “We usually come in small groups. This year due to the uncertain condition of the Mughal Road we travelled via Jammu.”

A Business Corner

Located amidst the dense forests on foothills overlooking the Sindh River, there were only people cars, buses and motorcycles visible. With devotees making a lot of charity, the festival has an impressive corner for business too.

“These three days are a blessing for us,” Umair Ahmed, a street vendor from Kangan, said. Is selling footwear since 2017. “We did a good sale and are hopeful to end on a good note. This is a big festival for people and by the grace of Allah we also get benefit out of this,” he said.

Most of the young people were seen purchasing clothing and the routine jewellery that the womenfolk use.

 Fascinating Location

The shrine and adjacent streets were packed with men, women and children playing here and there.

The Baba Nagri shrine owes its genesis to the late nineteenth century when Hazrat Baba Jee Sahib Larwi, the ancestor of the Mian family moved to Pakistan’s Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province’s Hazara from Kashmir to meet his mentor, Hazrat Nizam-ud-Din Wali Kiyanawi. There, he was asked to go home and spread Islam.

Mohammad Yousuf Baniya, 63, a resident of Dard-Wudar village said the Baba Ji’s actual name was Hazrat Mian Abdullah Sahab.

Author of various Islamic books, including Asrar-e-Kabaree and Malfoozat-e-Nizame on Fiqah and Tasawuf, Baba Ji was succeeded by his son, Mian NizamudDin and later Mian Bashiruddin, his son, took over. Mian Altaf was nominated as his spiritual heir by him.

Imtiaz is a Shopian teenager. This was his third visit to the shrine. “Earlier I did not understand anything but this year I got the idea of what this Urs is all about,” Imtiaz said. “My parents taught me about this and this time I even understood what the Molvi Sahab was preaching.”

The Custodians

The Mian family is the custodian of the shrine and Mian Altaf Ahmad, the great-grandson of Baba Jee is the present Sajjada Nasheen, the caretaker of the shrine. A senior National Conference leader, Mian Altaf is the most respectable and revered figure in the Gujjar community.

“Everything here is done in accordance with the Shariah,” Mian told reporters on the sidelines of the festival. “This Urs is something our family has been doing for a long now.  We always try to accommodate as many devotees as we can and cater to all of their needs.” For all three days, the host family ensures the lodging of the devotees. The shrine has a round-the-clock Langhar (community kitchen) and enough space to make the devotees feel at home.

For Choudhary Marshad Ali Wangat visit is spiritual healing. “It is a bond of Peer and Murshid (Mentor and disciple) and the Mian family is our Peer and we have deep respect and regard for each and every member of the family,” Ali said.

“Mian Sahab always talks about brotherhood and unity among people, his message is very clear and he always wants people to stay united, peaceful and spread love.”

In Baba’s Nagri

Donations for Shrine

In respect for their leaders, the devotees make donations in cash and kind that keep the Langhar hearth going. Though the Urs is the main time for the visit, people come on other occasions too. Some people visit the shrine during the harvesting season and from 2021 people visit in August for the death anniversary of Mian Bashiruddin as well. People who participated in the festival said the numbers would have been more having the Mughal Road not suffered the landslide that restricted the movement of bigger vehicles.

Interestingly, some of the herdsmen who move their flocks from Rajouri and Poonch early in the season pitch their tents closer to the shrine area so that they remain in close proximity to their religious leader.

For Jammu and Kashmir, the Hajj 2023 was a mix of many interesting firsts, Syed Shadab Ali Gillani

For Jammu and Kashmir, Hajj 2023 had many firsts. It sent the highest number of pilgrims on Hajj – 12534 including 467 from Ladakh. For the first time, 115 women performed Hajj without a Muharram, a close relative who could be a husband or a blood relative. For the first time, the pilgrims from Kashmir paid the highest fare for the Hajj, in comparison to all other stations wherefrom they were flown to Saudi Arabia. Again, for the first time, the highest number of pilgrims passed away – 12.

However, it was a different first that dominated the news – the Hajj Committee’s failure to manage better lodging and guiding facilities. Many pilgrims alleged that their sacred journey turned into a challenging ordeal as they faced numerous problems due to the inadequate services provided by the Committee. From overcrowded and ill-equipped accommodations to a lack of basic facilities, their hardships dampened what should have been a profound and transformative experience.

Details Revealed

“There are reports about poor accommodation provided to Kashmiri Hajj pilgrims in Madina,” Communist lawyer and senior politician, Mohammad Yousuf Tarigami tweeted. “More than six pilgrims were crammed into single-room accommodations with rickety furniture. They were forced to use shared and filthy washrooms. The subpar stay arrangements have caused immense hardships to the pilgrims, particularly women. The pilgrims feel betrayed by the Hajj Committee of India.”

Pilgrims shared their experiences, revealing the challenges they encountered during what was supposed to be a smooth journey.

Speaking anonymously, a Hajj pilgrim revealed that over 600 pilgrims were accommodated in a hotel lacking even the most basic facilities. “I am referring to basic amenities like toilet facilities. Irrespective of our ages, we were forced to wait in lengthy queues outside the limited number of toilets,” the pilgrim alleged. Another pilgrim, also speaking anonymously, added, “The washroom doors were also malfunctioning, causing discomfort for many. Additionally, there was a lack of running water facility in the washrooms, with women being the most affected.”

The pilgrims also faced issues with kitchen facilities. “We had no refrigeration, and Saudi Arabia’s scorching heat made it even more challenging, as we worried our food items might go stale,” stated a female pilgrim. “Furthermore, there was no privacy; it made me very uncomfortable. The room I stayed in was overcrowded, accommodating six other people beyond its capacity. Sharing the room left no space for personal privacy, which is especially important for women.”

Recently, a video went viral on social media, highlighting the deteriorated condition of the washrooms the pilgrims were provided, drawing a significant public backlash.

“I had to share a room with eight people in a hotel in Madina,” Rubina Khan, another female pilgrim from Srinagar, expressed her discomfort. “It was highly uncomfortable because females need their own spaces, which we didn’t get.” She complained that the room was small, and there were too many roommates, making the situation even more challenging.

Insufficient Facilities

Considering Saudi Arabia’s known high temperatures, the pilgrims’ situation was worsened by the absence of air conditioning facilities, making the pilgrimage even more gruelling and exhausting.

“Pilgrims from various parts of the country, who arranged their Hajj through the Hajj Committee of India, have been expressing their discontent. This dissatisfaction is not limited to pilgrims from Kashmir alone,” a private Hajj agency operator from Srinagar revealed. “The pilgrims who availed the government quota were assigned hotels far away from the places they needed to visit.” Insisting that surging mercury exacerbated the complaints. “They had subpar facilities for boarding and food.”

This year, the Hajj Committee allotted only 400 seats to the private tour operators. They also denied any allotment to two operators while two new operators were added this year. “Demand was better, so almost 600 pilgrims from Jammu and Kashmir choose to perform Hajj with tour operators from outside Jammu and Kashmir,” one operator said. “I believe more than 1000 people availed the services of private tour operators from Jammu and Kashmir.”

Another private Hajj operator said that India’s Hajj Committee delayed the selection of the buildings. “Building Selection Team (BST) came too late and by then the main accommodation had been occupied,” the operator said. “Besides, the costs have hugely changed as facilities have gone too expensive and there is a possibility that part of the pilgrims might have had the buildings far away.”

The operator said the private players avoid buildings and hire hotels close to the Kaaba and the Masjid-e-Nabvi. “But our costs are too high, our service starts from Rs 10.50 lakh, nearly double what the Hajj Committee seeks.”

The delayed response to the arrangements from various countries has led the Saudi government to put a deadline for various processes, reports said. “By 2024, the Saudi government will now know everything by March as the new systems will not permit delayed responses from various countries,” one insider said.

No Volunteers

Barkat Ali, a pilgrim from Baramulla said the lack of volunteers was the biggest problem they faced. “In Makkah, the main problem was the lack of proper and timely information for pilgrims,” he said. “There were no volunteers from India available during the five days of Hajj. In contrast, volunteers from many other countries were seen everywhere, assisting their people.”

However, he pointed out that the accommodation problem was limited to only a few hotels. “We had to cover maximum distances on foot, and even educated people couldn’t find their tents easily,” he said. “They would end up spending the whole day searching and walking 10 to 18 km just to reach their tents.”

Rubina also said the lack of information was the main challenge. “We don’t know much about going from Makkah to Madina and Arabic is not our first language and that was a problem.” One of the pilgrims who flew home on the first flight said angrily: “I am extremely upset with the lack of basic facilities. The government failed and everything was difficult for us.”

A couple, currently still in Saudi Arabia, expressed their frustration, stating, “There was no coordination at all; everything seemed very chaotic. We suffered a lot. The transportation was very far, and we had to walk long distances to reach the buses due to lacking coordination. It was a time of hardship during Hajj.” They also mentioned hearing about some issues in Madina but clarified that they had not travelled there yet.

Farooq Ahmed, a pilgrim in his mid-sixties from South Kashmir, emphasized the difficulties he and his wife faced, as they were placed with unfamiliar people. “Not just that, but even the quality of the hotel rooms was not good,” he lamented.

‘Issues Were Addressed’

Admitting problems, a senior official said the pilgrims are supposed to have shared accommodations. “Normally, 20 per cent of the pilgrims get lodging slightly away unlike the 80 per cent,” he said. “This year, the first few groups got the distant buildings and that narrative dominated the entire Hajj.” He, however, admitted that problems flagged by the pilgrims were quickly addressed. This year, 31 individuals including a female had flown as Khadim, who work as guides.

This season, the desert kingdom managed the Hajj in extreme temperatures. This led to many problems including deaths. Among the pilgrims from Jammu and Kashmir, 12 deaths took place including that of a couple. It is said to be the highest number in recent years. All these deaths took place in Makkah. These included three each from Budgam and Srinagar, five from Anantnag, and one from Ganderbal. Barring one, all deaths took place after the pilgrims performed Hajj.

The most talked about death was that of a couple – Mohammad Sultan Kuchay and his wife Malla, residents of Khalid Colony Soura. “They died within a span a span of 10 minutes, one after another, on the day of Eid after performing the Hajj,” an informed official said.

A senior officer said the increased deaths were not because of temperature alone. “In the last three Hajj seasons, there was a ban on people who are above 60,” the officer said. “This Hajj the ban was lifted and we had around 1208 pilgrims who were above 70 years of age.” Exhausted, Ghulam Mohammad Hujri of Haigam Sopore, survived a heart attack moments after he reached home in the first batch on July 18, 2023. He died a day later. The Hajj office said the last batch of the Kashmir pilgrims will fly home on August 2, 2023.

Gradually Muslim women are getting educated about the importance of the Mahr and in lot many weddings the brides seek a berth in the decision-making as it links to their security, status and individuality, reports BabraWani

In 1994, when she was just 18 years old, Shabana’s (name changed) marriage was arranged by her parents. Every detail, from her groom to the colour of her wedding dress, the wedding date, and even her Haqq e Mahr (dower), was decided by the groom’s family, and she passively accepted their choices without voicing her own opinion.

In contrast, Shabana’s 25-year-old niece, Saima (name changed), who got married in 2021, took an active role in deciding every aspect of her marriage, including her Haqq e Mahr. She sat down with her parents to discuss the amount and even added a few new clauses to her NikkahNaama (marriage contract).

“Mahr is my right by Islamic law. It serves as my security, and when I learned its importance, I knew I had the right to have a say in it,” explained Saima. A professional engineer, Saima, extensively studied all aspects of the Mahr and decided that she would set the amount between Rs 50,000 to one Lakh rupees, depending on her groom’s financial situation. She communicated her decision to her parents, who supported her.

Saima’s in-laws, including her husband, were fine with her decision. “At the time of my Nikkah, my father-in-law paid my Mahr in cash and some jewellery. My husband was supportive, and we discussed it directly,” she revealed.

In contrast to Saima’s experience, her aunt Shabana had no say in determining her Mahr. “My father informed me about the decision made by my in-laws regarding the Mahr amount,” Shabana recalled. “ I didn’t even ask about the amount as it was decided by the elders of the family. To be honest, in those days, I didn’t even understand the significance of deciding the Mahr amount. Nowadays, girls are more knowledgeable about these matters.”

While Saima received her Mahr at the time of her Nikkah, Shabana had to wait 20 years before her husband paid it. She used her Mahr in the construction of their new home.

Mutual Family Decesion

These stories are not isolated incidents; many other women share similar experiences.

For Zainab (name changed), her father-in-law determined her Mahr in 2020. “My father-in-law said they had set an amount of Rs 50,000 for all their daughters-in-law, so my Mahr would be the same,” Zainab said. “At the time of my Nikkah, I received Rs 10,000. I didn’t complain because I understood that my in-laws could only afford that much.”

Naira (name changed), 24, also had her Mahr decided by her in-laws. “My Mahr included jewellery from my in-laws and an amount of Rs 60,000. I received the possession of the jewellery at the time of my Nikkah, and they said the amount would be paid later.”

While in these cases the in-laws determined the dower, there are also instances, like Saima’s, where the bride’s side had the final say.

In Seema’s (name changed) case, her groom and in-laws allowed her and her family to decide the Mahr amount. “My father and uncle determined the amount, and my in-laws agreed to it. It was paid to me in cash at the time of my Nikkah.”

In the case of Raheen, whose Nikkah took place during Ramzan 2023, the amount was mutually decided by both families. “Since we are family friends, it was a mutual decision,” Raheen said. “My opinion was also considered. However, the Mahr was not paid at the time of the Nikkah, as it is more of a cultural practice here.”

Trend Setting

In not so distant past,  Mahr was just a formality and a number of couples still exist in whose marriage the Mahr was merely mentioned but was neither paid nor demanded. In only a fraction of cases, the mention of Mahr in Nikkah was invoked in case of a conjugal dispute.

However, the situation has changed a lot. Now, in most cases, the jewellery that is being gifted to the bride at the time of marriage is partly or fully made part of the Mahr amount. In many cases, the families – mostly from wealthy backgrounds, offer and pay a huge amount, which, in certain cases runs in millions.

In, quite a few cases, the vocal brides suggest reduced expenditure in the ceremonies so that their Mahr becomes handsome. This trend is dictated by the inflation in which brides do not see a lot of worth in a paltry Mahr amount being decided by the two families.

Why Mahr?

Mahr, a financial obligation placed on the groom and his family, is traditionally paid to the bride in Muslim marriages, either at the time of Nikkah or later, depending upon the wife’s priority. Although commonly provided in monetary form, it can also take the form of land, gold, or other financial assets.

Unlike in some countries where the wife receives no dowry, Mahr is considered one of the rights of the wife, and it is her lawful entitlement. This is supported by various sources, including the verse: “And give to the women (whom you marry) their Mahr (obligatory bridal money given by the husband to his wife at the time of marriage) with a good heart…” [Surah Al-Nisa 4:4].

The Mahr belongs exclusively to the wife, and it is not permissible for her father or anyone else to take it without her consent. In the past, it was common for fathers to take their daughter’s Mahr, but this practice was abolished by Allah, granting women the right to the Mahr they receive.

Additionally, if the wife voluntarily waives a portion of the Mahr, the husband is allowed to accept and enjoy it without any harm. The dowry amount can vary depending on customs, with some offering cash, others gold, and some including a combination of gold, cash, and household items. The wife’s guardian should not be overly strict regarding this list, as it is recommended to keep the Mahr simple and easy.

Scholar’s Speak

In Islam, the Qur’an explicitly mentions the requirement for a groom to pay a dower to his bride. According to Mufti Feroze Ahmad, a respected Islamic scholar, women hold a revered position in Islam, and Mahr is considered obligatory during Nikkah. He explains that Mahr serves as a form of security and is the rightful possession of the wife. The amount should be agreed upon within the means of both families involved, with no upper limit. Mufti Feroze emphasises that a wife has the freedom to waive the Mahr if she so chooses, as it is her property and decision.

In the case of divorce (Khulla), Mufti Feroze clarifies that the husband can request the return of the Mahr. Sumaiya, who experienced forced marriage, shares her story of seeking a Khulla from her husband. After reaching an agreement on the divorce, Sumaiya willingly returned the Mahr and jewellery given to her by her husband and his family.

Another woman, who was divorced shortly after her marriage, received her Mahr after the divorce settlement. “My mother-in-law and husband returned everything they had given me during the marriage, including the Mahr amount,” she said.

Failure to pay the Mahr in the event of divorce carries a sin, as explained by Mufti Feroze. The husband is obligated to settle this debt, and if he fails to do so, it remains until paid, even after his death.

A Wife’s Right

Dr Aqsa Noorein, an Islamic scholar, highlights that the determination of the Mahr primarily depends on the bride and her family. However, in the case of remarriage, the bride has the authority to decide.

The preferred practice, according to several Islamic scholars, is to pay the Mahr at the time of Nikkah, based on the groom’s financial situation. If a wife chooses to waive her Mahr during the Nikkah, it is considered waived off.

Under Muslim Personal Law, Mahr is defined as an amount of money that the husband owes to his wife upon their marriage, either by mutual consent or by law. It can be either postponed (Mu’wajjal) or prompted (Mu’ajjal).

Mahr is a concept within Shariah that ensures women’s financial security. Advocate Irshad Ahmad Mir explains that when a wife demands her Mahr, the husband is obligated to pay it. Failure to do so can result in the wife filing a case for the recovery of the Mahr. However, if a woman has waived her Mahr and subsequently faces divorce, the man is still responsible for paying the Mahr.

Mahr, Mir added is an amount which is paid to the woman as a means of respect and security, however, the aspect of respect for the woman is more dominant. He stated that Islam regulated the mahr as a recognition of respect as it was ordained in an era when a woman was reduced to an abject commodity. In the case of nikkah in which rukhsati is still pending and in case a divorce happens within that time period, half of the mahr is paid. A woman, he said, can demand any amount but ideally, she is supposed to consider her groom’s financial status as well.

Mahr can provide a subsistence amount to a woman in case a divorce happens as it has been proven in many cases, one court ruling suggested.

In matters concerning marriage, divorce, Mahr, and  Khulla, the Shariah and legal laws are governed by Muslim Personal Law. This law deals with various aspects of Muslim life, such as intestate succession, special property of females, marriage, dissolution of marriage, maintenance, guardianship, gifts, trusts, and Wakfs (excluding charities and religious endowments). The rule of decision in cases involving Muslims is governed by Muslim Personal Law.

Less working hours, compromised production, a surge in consumption and a visible impact on earnings during the Muslim month of fasting do not prevent charity and positive subjective well-being of Muslims, writes Humaira Nabi

As the crescent moon appearance marks the beginning of Ramzan, Muslims worldwide embark on a profound spiritual journey, embracing the practice of fasting, prayer, and benevolence. However, beyond its religious essence, the month of fasting unfolds as a multifaceted canvas of societal and economic changes, catalysing notable shifts that resonate across diverse sectors.

While it has been found that the productivity of Muslims across the globe decreases from 35 per cent to 50 per cent due to shortened working hours and the inability to focus with no access to food or beverage until sunset and fewer hours of sleep, it is, like all religious practices around the world, highly commercialised affair. The surge in demand for various commodities, including special food items, reflects a noticeable uptick in consumer spending.

In Kashmir, Ramzan holds a significant sway over the local economy. Significant changes in household consumption habits and consumer prices are witnessed in the region during this month. Charitable initiatives also witness a surge, underlining the economic relevance of compassion.

The Food

Even though Ramzan is a fasting month, food consumption exceeds normal consumption patterns. The expenditure on food skyrockets due to increased demand for various items. This surge is attributed to the religious significance of the month, in which families and communities come together for special meals and the Iftaar breakfast. There is a general tendency to have a variety of foods on the Iftaar tablecloth, the Dastarkhwan.

Middle-class and lower-middle-class consumers purchase these items daily, even if they cannot afford them at other times. As a result, there’s a substantial increase in the purchase of fruits, vegetables, grains, and other food staples, leading to a significant portion of the annual food budget being spent during this holy month.

In Kashmir, the demand for various food items including fruits and dates witness a surge of over 30 and 70 per cent respectively during Ramzan. Fruits such as watermelon, melon, banana, mango, grapes, and pomegranate are mostly consumed by the local population. In 2022, watermelon consumption during Ramadan reached 150 crore, while in 2023, it totalled 30 crore in expenditures. Dates assume a religious significance at the breakfast and Kashmir consumes a variety of desert fruits, some of them imported from the Middle East.

“Approximately 100 truckloads of fruits, valued at around Rs 7 lakh each, are delivered daily to the Srinagar Mandi, Bashir Ahmad Bashir Chairman of Kashmir Valley Fruit Growers Cum Dealers Union said. “Watermelon alone accounts for 25–30 truckloads per day.” This year, however, the month of fasting coincided with low-temperature days and it tumbled the watermelon consumption to a new low. Reports that the fruit being ripened added to its tension.

The region has a substantial appetite for mutton, importing around Rs 1400 crore worth of mutton annually from neighbouring states, mostly from Rajasthan. Traders suggest more than 800 truckloads of mutton during the month of fasting.

“On a typical day, Kashmir sees the arrival of approximately 30-40 truckloads of mutton, but during Ramzan, this figure surges to 50-60 trucks per day, ultimately peaking at 100 trucks in the final three days of the month,” Mehrajuddin, General Secretary all Kashmiri Mutton Dealers Association said.

Charity

Ramadan is the only month in the Islamic calendar that observes two out of the five pillars of Islam, which are Zakat al-Fitr and fasting. Zakat is a form of compulsory almsgiving in Islam. In contrast to sadaqah or voluntary giving, Zakat al-Fitr is a charity taken for the poor and it is obliged upon Muslims to pay Zakat al-Fitr by the end of the month. This charitable contribution not only serves as a means of fulfilling religious duty but also plays a significant role in bolstering the local economy through increased circulation of funds and assistance to those in need, thereby fostering a more robust and interconnected economic landscape within the region.

In Jammu and Kashmir, with over 68 per cent of an estimated 13.6 million people being Muslims, nearly an estimated 93 lakh individuals are part of the almsgiving process. Notably, Jammu and Kashmir has the lowest Below Poverty Line (BPL) population in India at 10.38 per cent.

Even if 13 lakh individuals within the 93-lakh population are taken as BPL population, it would still result in a fund transfer of approximately Rs 60 crore at the minimum rate of Rs 75 as announced by Grand Mufti Jammu and Kashmir, Mufti Nasir-ul Islam Farooqi for 2024. In 2023 the minimum amount was set at Rs 65 per person, which accumulated around 60 crore. This substantial transfer of money within a few days has a significant impact on the overall economy of the region.

“The injection of a substantial amount of money into the economy can lead to a multiplier effect, stimulating increased consumer spending, and driving up overall economic activity,” Mudasir Rashid an economic expert said. “This infusion of funds can potentially improve the financial well-being of the recipients and contribute to the economic growth of the region, albeit temporarily.”

Ramzan Inflation

The shift in consumer behaviour, amplified demand, and market dynamics characteristic of this period contribute to inflation during this month, a phenomenon prevalent across the Muslim world. While some economic analysts attribute the inflationary trend to the diverse range of items comprising the consumer price index (CPI), others contend that it stems from an imbalance between excessive demand and limited supplies of goods, leading to upward price pressures.

Ejaz Ayoub, an economic analyst, believes it is a form of demand-pull inflation. “This type of inflation occurs due to a sudden surge in demand for specific goods, particularly food items, driven by consumer behaviour,” Ejaz said. “Besides, profiteering from the retailer side also triggers inflation, resulting in a substantial surge in the prices of goods. This practice capitalises on the understanding that people are in urgent need of these items during Ramadan and are willing to procure them at any expense.

As per data from the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation, the Consumer Price Index (CPI) based inflation rate for March 2023 in Jammu and Kashmir stood at 7.59 per cent, surpassing the national inflation rate of 6.95 per cent. Notably, Ramzan was practised in the region during March of the previous year.

Ejaz Ayoub said the variance in inflation rates between the national average and that of Jammu and Kashmir can be attributed to the elevated transportation costs influenced by the region’s geographical location, significant reliance on imports for consumed commodities, and an overall elevated cost of living in the state.

 Change in working hours

During Ramzan, despite the surge in consumption and purchasing power, many workers opt for reduced working hours, leading to a decline in overall productivity. While there is no alteration in working hours for government employees, markets in Kashmir, unlike those in mainland India, experience a notable reduction in operating hours.

The practice of staying awake from Suhor until dawn disrupts the natural sleep cycle, prompting most people to compensate by sleeping after offering the Fajar prayer. As a result, the opening of markets is delayed by at least an hour. Night or evening markets in Kashmir are a rare occurrence. Shopkeepers tend to close their shops at least an hour before Iftar, further reducing their operational hours.

“Except grocery stores and food retail shops, businesses in Kashmir witness a sluggish period lasting until at least halfway through Ramzan, and this trend generally continues until Eid approaches,” Adil Majeed, a cosmetic store owner, said.

Impact on GDP

Various studies have found that while for Muslims fasting for religious reasons has a net positive impact on their subjective wellbeing (SWB), it has a negative impression on their GDP. Put simply, it makes Muslims happier despite making them relatively poorer.

A 2013 study published by Oxford University using country-level panel data, showed that longer prescribed Ramazn fasting has a robust negative effect on output growth in Muslim countries, whether measured by GDP per capita or GDP, and whether measured in yearly rates or aggregated up to five-year periods. The study found no effect whatsoever on GDP growth in non-Muslim countries, underscoring that the result is unlikely to be spurious.

Tawheed Yousuf Assistant Professor, Department of Economics Degree College Ganderbal while talking about the impact of Ramzan on the GDP of Muslim countries said, “The decrease in GDP during Ramzan in Muslim countries is largely linked to the reduction in working hours during this period, as businesses adjust their operational schedules to accommodate the fasting hours and the cultural significance of the month. This reduction in working hours can lead to lower productivity and output, impacting the overall economic performance during the month of Ramzan.”

Expanding on the connection between lower GDP and positive impacts on Subjective Well-Being, Tawheed highlighted that while material welfare is rooted in GDP, higher GDP does not guarantee the happiness of individuals, who may grapple with health issues, illiteracy, and other societal challenges. Conversely, religion provides contentment, subsequently leading to happiness, with happiness serving as a pivotal indicator of well-being. Therefore, the Subjective Well-Being of Muslims is amplified during Ramzan.

The post The Ramzan Economy appeared first on Kashmir Life.

A group of well-read and well-meaning officers and academics have joined hands and created a trust to manage Kashmir’s Zakat and other charities. Khalid Bashir Gura offers an idea for the ZIST

Almost every day, a case pleading helplessly on social media to crowd-fund an individual’s health emergencies. Frequently, there are instances in which people have lost their shelter to fires or other disaster. These cases are gradually surging across Kashmir as individual incomes dwindle; inflation surges and the opportunities for earning dignified livelihoods reduce. However, desperation demands compromise on the dignity of recipients.

However, Muslim scholars insist that institutionalising zakat would help manage this load better and faster, More so, without compromising the dignity of individuals who require help.  In the absence of any proper institution, people lack options other than seeking crowdfunding. People are responsive and generously contribute. However, they respond to the stories they are fed. It often happens that a weak case with a good story can garner more support than a more deserving individual who lacks the storytelling. Sometimes people donate so generously to alleviate the distress in a single case that authorities have to intervene and freeze the bank accounts.

Frustrating Decision Making

Besides, the philanthropists’ perplexities are compounded in the absence of any proper institution. Despite growing poverty especially in the urban sphere, people in Kashmir remain ignorant of the essence of mass charity like Zakat or Sadqat and lack a system to identify the deserving recipients to address their multitude of issues.

Zakat, Infaq and Sadaqah Trust (ZIST) is one such institution that is working to address this issue. Through its diverse donors and trustees and addresses problems in the current scenario of zakat, infaq, sadaqah management and envisions the empowerment of recipients.

Ramzan Charity

Usually, the concluding days of Ramzan are marked by charitable initiatives laced with compassion and religious obligation. Last year, three days preceding Eid, Jammu and Kashmir Bank officials said the people withdrew an amount of Rs 2510 crore through 59.72 lakh transactions. Similarly, this month witnessed a surge in charity, however, according to some rough estimations, 85 per cent of people in Kashmir do not pay Zakat in Kashmir.

Mufti Nasir-ul Islam, Kashmir’s grand Mufti, said that after thorough consensus with Ulemas across Kashmir, Rs 65 had been fixed as Zakat-ul-Fitr (Sadqa Fitr) per person this Ramzan. This is in addition to Zakat, which is also paid every year by the people having enough of savings in cash and kind.

However, religious scholars have been stressing that people pay more as per their capability as individuals and as per the requirements of the faith. In the case of Sadqa Fitra, which every Muslim pays before the Eid prayers, the principle is to make a choice. Every individual is supposed to pay one Saa (somewhere between 2.6 kg to 3 kg) of barely, resins, dried dates or even cheese. Individuals have to choose as per their capacity.

“Rs 70 is the bare minimum calculated based on the staple food,” one scholar said. “It may fit the poor people but different economic classes can choose the fruit they wish to pay for. In certain cases of resins or dates, the Sadqa Fitr for an individual goes up to several thousands of rupees.

“Scholars fix the minimum payable amount so everyone can pay, but there is no harm if someone wants to pay thousands of rupees,” one Mufti said. “Everyone should ensure that the amount reaches the deserving. The best thing is to look out for the needy people in your locality so that no one will be left out.”

Zakat-ul-Fitr is to be paid to the downtrodden, poor, and destitute, including orphans. The amount should reach the deserving people ahead of Eid so that they too can celebrate the festival along with others.

This mass philanthropy lacks institutionalisation thereby depriving many of its benefits.  To bridge this gap between giver and taker, an institution, Zakat, Infaq and Sadaqah Trust (ZIST) has come up with a unique concept of empowering people.

An Online Trust

ZIST through online charity mode bridges the gap between the donor and recipient. Prof Mushtaq A Siddiqui, former VC IUST, who heads the Trust said the ZIST is Kashmir’s first online, centralised and accessible trust. “ZIST is an organisation formed with a motive for planned collection and distribution of Zakat and Sadaqat,” he said. “This model ensures people come out of the orbit of seeking. We empower them enough to make them givers to society.” The donors also can assess the impact of their contribution as they see the transformation of lives.

Siddiqui said they have identified certain enterprises like sheep farming for transforming eligible beneficiaries. “Some foundations focus on the education of beneficiaries but we had to create a model according to our specific societal needs,” Prof Siddiqi said.

Sheep Rearing Model

ZIST pioneers said they studied Kashmiri society and came across many cases of growing poverty and other socio-economic issues plaguing the society. Only after, they decided to use sheep rearing as the game changer.

Sheep has a good local market. “Our experts suggested that sheep stock doubles within eighteen months and has the least mortality. The poor and needy farmers rear sheep and in turn help other eligible farmers by sharing their profits from progeny,” Siddiqui said. “We already have a database of eligible recipients in rural and urban areas. We are ready to share it with others who want to uplift them.”

Conventionally, sections of the Kashmir population pay Zakat by giving money to the needy without caring if that changes the beneficiary status. “The sheep model suits mostly the rural areas as they have some landholdings,” Siddiqui said. “However, for people living in urban areas and are battling increasing poverty, a farmer is identified and the sheep is given to him on behalf of the recipient. The profit will be shared with the urban recipient. But immediate necessities till the business blooms are taken care of through cash.”

Resource Orphans

ZIST executives said their model can easily link the widows, orphans and disabled with productive enterprises of farmers or other entrepreneurs in due course who in turn will share profits to sustain those who can’t work due to resource crunch.

Siddiqui said one can better help one’s kith and ken more through institutions to which one contributes. Individual contributions perpetuate dependence and compromise dignity.

“Our philanthropic mission is technology-driven like Uber or Ola. Our application will help donors to keep track of how their money is being utilized in the transformation of lives,” Siddiqi said. To keep the dignity of recipients intact, the identity will be kept anonymous. However, the identity can be revealed to donors for transparency and accountability purposes.

Organization Structure

“We have given it a proper hierarchical organisational structure. The people in the organization belong to diverse fields and bring their expertise and resources to contribute to the cause. There is a board of trustees of five people. It has a 15-member advisory council and members comprise from diverse fields.

Similarly, there is a committee of ground-level workers of almost 100 members which connects the trustees with society. “The committee will generate the data besides becoming a bridge between recipient and organization,” he said.

According to him, people have been donating generously for this ZIST project.

Taking Project to Masses

As the concept is novel, ZIST is reaching out first to educational classes in colleges and universities to explain its modus operandi. ZIST executives insist they want to reach the common masses through educational classes. They have already got a good response to their outreach.

“If we can generate good capital via Zakat and Sadaqa we may expand our objectives and address issues of education and health care,” Siddiqui said. “Managing health issues is compelling. We have come across cases wherein people have to sell property to get treatment.”

Volunteer Service

Full of zest and ambition, ZIST endeavours to tackle a wide spectrum of socio-economic needs of the Kashmir society like education, healthcare, old age related problems, specially-abled, eliminating begging, popularising agro-livestock banks and their share, supporting the agrarian economy and accommodations. It also envisions volunteering one’s skills and time to create resources of routine life like a chain of hospitals, wellness centres, centres for complementary classes or tuition and literacy for adults/unlettered, accommodation facilities for the travellers and students and affordable houses will be carved with the help of coordination of human resource through ZIST.

Zakat

According to ZIST, around 1500 crore could be basic Zakat collection if the majority of the population starts paying 2.5 per cent of their savings. All the trusts and bayt al amwal operating in Jammu and Kashmir don’t possess even one per cent of this. Unavailability of zakat on deposits (Rs 1,70,000 crore) in the banks, gold Rs 1,20,000 crore, idle acquired land, fruits such as apples (imagine how many thousands of boxes from the formula for one box from every 20 boxes of harvest, walnuts, grapes, cherry, pear etc can trigger a huge base of health for managing the ills of the society.

Zakat Calculator

Besides, ZIST offers professional assistance in calculating zakat besides filing annual zakat returns. Unlike Sadqah, Muslims must meet a certain threshold before they can qualify for zakat. “The amount is 2.5 per cent of an individual’s total savings and wealth. Zakat can be paid at any time during the lunar year. However, because of many rewards in Ramzan, Muslims choose to pay it in this month,” said Mufti Sameer Nadvi, who has specialised in Islamic jurisprudence.

“According to Nadvi, if one possesses wealth equal to 87.48 grams of gold or 612.36 grams of silver one is obligated to pay zakat. But it has to be paid annually. Similarly, if one’s savings in the form of currency exceeds Rs 60000 one has to pay accordingly,” he said.  However, the same applies in Sadaqat- ul-Fitr and it applies to the majority of people.

According to ZIST, chairman, Prof Siddiqi, Kashmiris especially those settled abroad have a lot of unutilised property which qualifies for zakat and can be used for the welfare of the needy in society.

The post Organising Zakat appeared first on Kashmir Life.

Kashmir’s traditional kind treatment of people with disordered mental health was a supplicated way of taking care of them. Over the last few centuries, they were deliberately projected as super-human and meta-physical beings who have occult powers to heal and that is where it hits the mass wisdom and logic, writes MJ Aslam

In Kashmiri, meuat aab is a compound term used in common parlance. A portmanteau word, it comprises of two distinct words, Mo’t and Aab. Mo’t is a Kashmiri word with a Sanskrit root derived from Un’matta connoting one ‘disordered in intellect, distracted, insane, frantic, mad, madman” and Matta‘ excited with joy, overjoyed, delighted, drunk, intoxicated;  excited by passion or desire; furious, mad, insane’. (See, Sir Monier Williams) Aab is a Persian word which means water. The term Ma’t i Aab means ‘maddening water’, the water of some source that makes the drinker mad.

In its broader sense, however, the term denotes the social condition of a country or a community in which all its members act like madmen, pagal. It also refers to the ‘condition of anarchy or tyranny and wickedness in which the government officials and the inhabitants of a country all act like madmen”. (See, Grierson)

Every society has people disordered in intellect. In Kashmir, Moat and Maetch denote these men and women. Unlike the rest of the world, however, Kashmir devoutly places the Moat on a slightly super-human ladder.

Living Language

In Kashmiri, there are several phrasal nouns in which Moat is used in figurative sense. It is a routine used for various men and women, not necessarily lunatic in the strict sense of the term: Khin i Moat, one who is habitually snivelling with profusely runny-nose; Posh i Moat, fancier of flowers; Aish i Moat or Mazeh Moat, a ravishing character, enjoying his life, in disregard of his responsibilities; Gon i Moat, who always composes and sings poetry in seclusion; Wan e Moat, who always sleeps in corner of a desolate shop; Nindireh Moat, who loves to sleep too much; Jandeh Moat, one wearing ragged clothes; Giseh Moat, ‘madman who rolls in filth and covers himself with it’.

There are words for lovelorn too:  Lolehi Moat, mad in love with intense affection; Mareh Moat, an ardent lover, beloved, used in poetic genres; and Zaneh Mot who is excessive-mad for his wife. It is often used as a taunt to a man deeply loving and caring about his wife, an uxorious. (See, Kashmiri Lexicons)

The Kashmiri language has too many idioms related to these people. Haseh Matin Wasamat, means Haseh Mo’t’s property. Moat were only anxious about their food viz, Ma’tis Cheh Batini Wir, a madman was only worried about his dinner and feeding them was believed to be protection against misfortune like Matinin Huind Dhup Chui Balayin Thup.

Traditionally, they were considered ‘sinless’ innocuous commoners whose words and prayers were thought to be good. (Knowles) Till the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century, Kashmiris treated them with kindness as if they were harmless. Off late, however, they started to be considered at par with people with occult powers and spirituality, something which is saintly.

In Hagiographies

In Kashmir’s Persian historiographies, a lot of space has been given to long lists of Majzoobs and Qalandars who lived, according to them, in every mohalla and village. They have been projected side by side with Shariah-abiding revered Sufi saints and mystics whose pious lives and services for the propagation of Islam are beyond an iota of doubt, writes leading Persian and Urdu authority, Prof Sharief Hussain Qasmi, erstwhile head of the Persian Department at the Delhi University. Some of these majzoobs were famed for ‘abusive language’, which Kashmiri hagiographers considered a karamat.

The mendicants were given prominent space in the common discourses so much so that even ‘educated’ people venerate these ‘self-unaware’ people, placing them under ‘super-natural’ beings.

Kashmiris’ Persian Tazkiras of the early modern times, while dealing with the lives of selfless shariah-abiding saints, have incorporated also long lists of mendicants with enormous legendary tales invented and assigned to them. Some Tazkiras have written fabulous stories that ‘death’ was subject to the will of some mendicant and that they had the ‘power’ to ‘appear and disappear physically at a place even after they were dead’ and that their ‘corpses’ vanished in thin air? The fault lies not with these mendicants but with normal men who act and think abnormally. Myth is not destroyed by counter-myth. Myths die on the altar of facts.

Strangely, “historians” of Kashmir have recorded the superstitious practices in their chronicles. Khwaja Muhammad Azam Kaul Didamari (d 1765) has detailed a mendicant, Baba Yousuf Darood. Once in Srinagar when a fire broke out in the mendicant’s mohalla, he is said to have walked up to the roof of his house, pulled up his shirt and began urinating toward the flames. The mendicant’s act of spraying-urination extinguished the fire flames from all those sides which faced it.

Writing about “extreme of superstitions”, Prof Sharif writes: “Now what to comment on this kind of “karamat” and what kind of message the “historian” has tried to convey by writing this kind of thing in a history book”.

Census

Finding these “disoriented” people as part of the formal life, various rulers even opted for their headcount.

Quoting Dr Rai Bahadur Mitra, State Minister of Health, in his Valley of Kashmir, Walter Lawrence in 1892-93, wrote that there were 250 lunatics (Moat) in Srinagar who were “chiefly Hindus” and, from his personal experiences, Lawrence added that lunatics were ‘common’ in all villages, ‘well treated’ like “the Swiss regard the cretins’. He categorised Moat’s into three groups: Those who were ‘lunatics from their birth’ (Pedaishi); those who had ‘gone mad from the excessive use of charas’ (Nashe kay Adi) and those who had ‘lost their senses through some calamity’ (Musibat).

The 1901 Census of the British Indian suggested the ‘common cause of insanity amongst certain classes of religious mendicants’ like Sadhus was ‘much addicted’ to the use of charas. The highest number of madmen lived in Burma (later Myanmar, which was British India province till 1937).

It seems unbelievable that the next in order of lunacy under the 1901 Census was Kashmir where 18 per cent of the lunatic persons were under 10 years of age compared with an average of seven per cent, in India’. The Census emphasised the high inclusion of madmen of Kashmir was ‘clearly due to the more general inclusion of cretinism’. Apparently, the Kashmiris seem to have been more conscious more than a century ago about what the Moat stands for. That is why the census included them in the list of madmen including stupid and foolish people of Kashmir. The subsequent census in 1921 reported ‘a fairly large number of women mendicants seen in the streets in Kashmir’.

The Valley of Saints

This popular culture is the bedrock for Kashmir’s popular identity as Pir i Ver or Rish i Ver, the ‘abode of mystics’ which included, besides the saints, all kinds of mendicants, from the ‘ice-age’ mythical character of Kashyab Reshi. A utopian dream, prima facie, the idea borders on the Brahmanical theory of Satyayuga or Kkritayuga, the ‘age of truth’ which was darkened by modern ‘Kalyuga’, the ‘age of darkness’.

Being humane, peace-loving and kind, are noble ideals, but the theory was sold to the masses as a part of larger political craft by the politicians supported by ‘some clergy’ and surrogate writers for their personal interests. It came to be consciously asserted from the second half of the last century by some clergy and writers that Kashmir was an alcove where only ‘mystics’ lived right from the beginning, negating thereby the role of mundane human affairs of daily life. This was taken to new heights by the official broadcasters, the Radio and the TV, later.

This led Kashmiris to be seen as a society ravishing in the idealistic world of self-appeasing ideas, largely ignorant about the history and underlying nuances of the politically oriented narratives. The terminology was ostensible. Some say that it was a dangerous trend in which unfortunately “revered sainthood” of Muslims was consciously and inseparably intermixed with the “sanctimony” of some madmen. Some Meateh came to be canonised by the ruling elite. Mysticism got intertwined with superstitions.

This resulted in Kashmiri’s perception of “sainthood” became obviously subjective. The half-naked, mentally challenged people, and even some charsis, came to be ‘revered’ as “saints”, which was apparently in contempt to the great saints and mystics of Islam in Kashmir. It was the result of misappropriating history and sainthood.

Course Correction

Lawrence had alerted Kashmiris about the dangers of Tuhamparasti, superstition. He wrote about marvellous tales being told during the 1894 floods in Sind and Jhelum of Kashmir when the floods caused havoc in the North Kashmir areas. The people were heard saying to each other that the rice fields of Tullamulla and the bridge of Sumbal were saved by the presence of the flags that were taken by the residents from the shrines as ‘a last resort’.

Then, people were largely socio-economically and educationally backward. Even more than a century later, Kashmir is still encountering the Ma’t i Aab. In September 2014, a ferocious flood devastated Kashmir. “I vividly remember, while we were watching the river in fury, someone whispered (?) that some Faqir in a boat will oar through river. After sometime, a big boat oared by several boatmen with a familiar majzoob of our locality sitting in its middle appeared in the river in a spate – the boat moved down the stream. Many said the boat will stop at Veer only,” a column that appeared in Greater Kashmir wrote on September 7, 2014. “The name of the majzoob has etherized from my memory (?) …… I do not remember if it was Lassa Bab, Nabar Mout, or Habba Mout ….. famous majzoobs during our childhood”.

Please note, the columnist first writes that he has forgotten the name of majzoob and then in the same line, he invokes names of the majzoobs of his locality who were, to note, dead decades before the floods of 2014. What a fantasy!

The ‘columnist’ continued, ” People also whispered that at Habba Kadal’s Nanda Mout, a Pandit sage often dressed in a suit, necktie, and a hat was going to repeat the performance”. The eccentric Nanda Mout born in 1900 was already dead years before. “People overwhelmingly believed that the prayers of these majzoobs”, whom the columnist fancied in boats on flood waters of Jhelum,  “will be granted and the level of waters will start receding as soon as they come out of the boat…..”. A week later, when Srinagar was inundated, no sage was around.

Superstition and Majzoobparasti, Prof GR Malik wrote in Greater Kashmir on October 3, 2014, is “shirk, the most heinous of all crimes…….(which is) being institutionalised by visible hands and invisible forces in the name of Islam to hoodwink the simple masses”. In his Kashmir Flames, Khawja Sanaullah Bhat, the editor of Aftab has written that in Kashmir “an ideal situation for political leaders, preachers and priests who always reaped the harvest” was “blind followership of priests (which) has been the way of life through generations and even the prominent men could not remain free from its influence”.

Even Kalhana has not kept hidden his contempt and ridicule for ignorance and exploitation by Brahman priests, Go’r and  Purohit’s who held greater influence at Hindu shrines and yatras, and also on Kashmir’s Hindu rulers.

Rich Traditions

In the midst of thick clouds of obscurant pirs, dervishes and mendicants, Kashmir has also produced genuine Islamic scholars who were disillusioned with the practices encouraged by the clergy to meet personal ends. Mullah Hussain Khabbaz (d March 22, 1642), a renowned Sufi scholar of Naqssbandi Order and reformist; Mullah Hamidullah Shahabadi (1783-1848 AD), resident of Novbug Nai, Banihal, a satirist, and Mulla Nizamuddin Nizam Furahi (d December 29, 1845 AD) of Srinagar, through their Persian texts and  Maqbool Shah Kralwari (1820-1877), a renowned Kashmiri Sufi poet of the nineteenth century, through Kashur Masnavi”, Peer Nama, raised their concern and voice against the growing Majzoob-Parast , Ma’t i culture, in Kashmir. These works did not receive the attention of the ruling elite as it did not suit their political narrative.

Sheikh’s Critique

Maleh Diyouthm Manch Khivaan,
Hakas Dapaan Yi Chui Kach,
Bakur Khivaan, Dakur Travan,
Mashide Dapan Ati Chu Yech.

(I saw a Malla eating honey, who termed Haakh, the most common vegetable in Kashmir as weed, grass, and a useless thing. The Malla enjoyed eating fresh mutton and belching later but when there was Azaan, the call for prayer, he would tell people saying there is Yetch, a mythical creature that is short of jinn and demon.)

Sheikh Noor ud Din was a vehement critic of Mullas of his time. Their Nafas-Parasti, deep-seated malice against others, ignorance of faith, the sole aim of personal benefits and Shikamkhuri, misleading the common masses, were common occurrences in the mystic Sheikh’s time which has found mentioned in his poetry, Shruik.

A Gradual Upgrade

There were many mendicants named  Sona Mout, Gule Mout, Lasse Mout, Thani Mout, Nabe Mout, Khabli Mout, Kraleh Mout and others in the second half of the last century in Kashmir who being “unaware” of themselves. How could they tell commoners flocking them neither to follow them nor to do mad acts. So the Mat i Aab continued.

Previously, names of the famous mystics were prefixed by the word Baba, principally by Muslims, such as Haji Baba, Baba Reshi, Baba Shukuruddin, Baba Payamuddin, Baba Zainudin; and even by Hindus for their ‘religious ascetics’.  Even Sheikh Abdullah was called Bab by his followers.

Now Mout has been substituted by Bab like Lassa Bab, Ahad Bab, Sule Bab, and Gaffar Bab, by the people. Pandits also affix the word Bab with their Ma’t like Nande Bab.

It indicates terminology of Bab was changed from political leaders to majzoobs. Bab is a title of respect used for elderly men in Kashmir. Fundamentally, with Persio-Arabic root, Bab has been derived from the words Aba and Baba, which means father, or grandpa.

Some of these Babs usually hurl abuses and insults and even beat their faithful visitors with sticks. Such behaviours by mendicants have an old tradition in Kashmir. Tufan Shah of Srinagar, for instance, was known for bombarding his visitors with abuses (Galiyan). Recently, the so-called Lasse Bab of Chogal Handwara axed a devoted woman follower to death. It looks quite funny that the people thronging the residence of Lassa, besides paying tributes to his relatives at his residence, also had deposited their axes for his blessings.

In the nineteenth century, it is worth mentioning here, that Shainkar was an old Pandit, a Brahman of the Dhar family, who lived at Chata Kadal, Srinagar. It was the time when poverty, illiteracy and other socio-cultural backwardness were at its peak. He possessed an old axe with which he treated people for their ailments. He moved the axe from head to toe on a patient, murmuring mantras, and under Brahman’s belief, the patient was healed. Sometimes if he was unwell or the weather was inclement, he would send the axe with someone from his family to the patient for moving it on his body.

Shainkrin Makuz was considered bad as it was a symbol of bizarre kind of treatment under superstitious beliefs. Kashmiri proverb Shainkrin Makuz, Na Galan, Na Badan is associated with his ‘treatment’. Literally, it means Shainker’s axe neither wears away nor melts. It remains as it is.

Rooted In History

Lawrence wrote there were 1254 mendicants, in his time, who mostly came from villages to Srinagar for ‘begging’. Long before the dawn of Islam, there was mention of ‘low caste’ and ‘religious’ mendicants in Kashmir immediately before the White Huns time (6^th century AD), when Buddhism still dominated the land. Their origin comes from the Shaivite cult of the land. (Grierson, Sanderson)

These madmen whose “articles of fashionable dress were ashes of burnt cow dung” and who had “matted locks of hair”, were “favourites and companions of” Arya Raja, whose date is not known in history, wrote Prof Wilson, the first Sanskrit Professor at Oxford.

Interestingly, Maetch, mad-woman, is also associated with the name of Lalla Yogishwari or Lal e Ded (d 1392 AD) who was ‘unknown’ to Sanskrit Pandit chroniclers from Pandit Jonaraja (1459) to Pandit Suka (1586), nearest to her time, but was discovered and introduced first time by Mulla Ali Raina in his ‘undated’ Persian hagiography, Tazkiratul Arifin, presumed to be of 1587 AD which leaves a historical gap of two hundred years in between.

Her Vaakhs too were in ‘oral tradition’ before they were compiled in writing first time in the first quarter of the last century after five hundred years. Pandit scholars like Raina, Parmu, and others, write that “she tore her clothes and moved about alone or in the company of Sadhus, as carelessly dressed as they. She came to be known as Lal Ma’itch, (mad Lala)”.

 In the twelfth century of Pandit Kalhana ‘mendicants’ lived in Kashmir, which shows that from early times and then after the arrival of Islam, the mendicants which included later malangs, qalandars, nangas, mastanas as well, who wandered from place to place, barefooted like Buddhist Bikhshus, Jain monks and Brahman Sadhus, attracted the attention of the masses, even though they had undergone socio-spiritual transformation from Hinduism to Islam.

As yet, the common masses retained old attachments with mendicants; writes late Prof Margoob Banihali. Among several categories of mendicants (which included Fuqra , Masakeen, paupers and dervishes), he writes, there were many saidmakaras and faraibkaras or pakhandis, religious hypocrites who hypocritically wore the dress or sectarian marks of a religious mendicant, with assumed piety, to deceive the people. Whether they followed the fundamental Islam or not, was least the concern of the common masses who did them Lol e Mat e Lai, (Kashur Encyclopaedia, V: I, 282), that is, a great affection was shown by public fondling and caressing the hands and dresses.

About fake-mendicants, a Kashmiri is saying, Mot Lagith Sale Bate Khivan, under the pretence of mendicancy, one enjoying a great feast.

Conclusion

Ignorance of one generation cherished and passed on to the next generation becomes tradition, and for future generations, it is then the article of faith. Deep reading is the key to unlocking the compartment of understanding and breaking the necklace of ignorance.

(The author is a Kashmir historian.)

The post Kashmir: Majzoobs’, Mendicants and Lunatics appeared first on Kashmir Life.

A series of interventions have led to better management of the yearly Hindu pilgrimage to the cave shrine of Amarnath, reports Syed Shadab Ali Gillani

It started with a huge rush on June 29. “It was a beeline, uninterrupted queue of horses taking the pilgrims up,” an employee, who served the Amarnath yatra 2024 for three weeks, said. “Then the numbers started falling amid reports that the scorching heat has impacted the Shiv Lingham.”

Still, the yatra has already created a record. The 52-day Hindu pilgrimage to the cave shrine deep into the Pahalgam Mountains has already recorded more than 3.50 lakh pilgrims having their darshan. It concludes on August 19, still a month to go.

The arrangements for the yatra have always been a top priority for the administration in Jammu and Kashmir but in 2014 the focus on security and basic facilities has been comparatively more.

Security Arrangements

For the smooth movement of the pilgrims, the traffic police in Jammu and Kashmir put certain timing restrictions on the Jammu Srinagar National Highway (NH-44); “No yatri will be allowed to cross the Navyug tunnel towards Kashmir after 1500 hours (3 pm). The last vehicle to cross Walnut Factory, Qazigund towards Navyug Tunnel must do so by 1730 hours (5.30 pm)”. The advisory asked the yatris and tourists to “travel in Kashmir Valley between 7 am and 6 pm’, insisting “after 1800 hours, no further movement is allowed, and the vehicles will be directed to the nearest yatri or Security Forces camp”. These restrictions were imposed in the wake of the deteriorating security situation in Parts of Jammu.

The yatra involves the mobilisation of huge human resources. While the army has always remained deployed for ‘area dominance’, thousands of paramilitary and police personnel are deployed to escort the caravans from Bhagwati Nagar (Jammu) to Pahalgam and Baltal. Almost all security forces are perpetually deployed along the twin tracks. While the 48-km Pahalgam route has been the traditional one, the shorter one started in 1996 from Baltal (Sonamarg) which is only 14 km long. People usually prefer the latter as they trek up and down the same day.

The yatra has remained by and large peaceful, barring four militant strikes, one each in 2000, 2001, 2002 and 2017. This year, a three-tier security arrangement is in place. The attack on a bus carrying pilgrims from Shiv Khori shrine to Vaishno Devi killing nine persons was a major factor for enhanced security, this year.

“We are not taking any chances as terrorists have shown their desperation in recent times to stay in the limelight by targeting innocent pilgrims,” an officer involved in the exercise, said. Apart from securing the Yatra Camps, authorities carry out aerial surveillance of the twin tracks using drones and CCTVs. Spotters have also been deployed to keep a vigil on unwanted activities and suspicious elements.

Earlier, a mock drill was conducted at Nunwan Base camp, where two motorcycle-borne dummy assailants simulated an entry into the camp and an alert was sounded by camp security QRT (quick reaction team) within no time cordoned the camp and foiled the attack.

“We have made foolproof security arrangements across Kashmir Valley we have put multi-tier arrangements so that pilgrims will have smooth and secure yatra not only on highways but also on interiors,” V K Birdi, the JKP head in Kashmir said.

The Hi-tech Command Control Centre is operational with approximately 60 personnel from about 20 government departments working day and night. Apart from the police, it comprises CRPF, NDRF, SDRF, Health, PHE, PDD, Telecom, MRT and many others.

Over 17 PTZ high-definition 360-degree view cameras stand installed through the routes from base camps to the cave. Besides, dozens of static cameras have been strategically positioned at key locations from both Baltal and Chandanwari base camps. Since 2022, Radio Frequency Identification (RFID) has been used to track the movement of the pilgrims. Pilgrims are issued RFID cards for real-time tracking, and an insurance cover of Rs 5 lakh has also been provided for further security.

“Security arrangements consider the situation. We also get inputs, and accordingly, the security forces analyse the situation and plan security,” Vijay Kumar Bidhuri, Kashmir Commissioner, said. “Security has been kept at a dynamic level by the security forces, all are well-coordinated, and it is not done as work but as a service.”

Feeding the Pilgrims

Security detail, however, is just part of the overall arrangements. Shri Amarnath Shrine Board (SASB), and the Jammu and Kashmir administration – both headed by the Lt Governor Manoj Sinha, work in close coordination to manage the pilgrimage.

One of the major exercises is to feed the pilgrims. Usually, it is being done by the lunghars, the community kitchens. These are usually non-governmental volunteer groups operating across India. They apply and get permission. Barring the fact that 125 lunghars were permitted to operate on the twin routes in 2024, nothing much is known. These volunteers raise donations around the year and then operate on the yatra routes.

Waste Management

The twin tracks pass through the most fragile ecology that, in various places, includes glaciers. Managing almost half a million people over 60 days does require a huge effort as a result of which a lot of waste is generated. The twin tracks wash down into two major glacier-fed rivulets, the Sindh (Baltal) and Lidder (Pahalgam).

Officials said the Directorate of Rural Sanitation has deployed more than 7,000 sanitation workers since June 27. They say the role of these people is crucial in maintaining cleanliness and adhering to a strict zero-landfill policy along both pilgrimage routes. They claim to use men and machines to keep the tracks clean.

“Since the beginning of the yatra, we have managed to collect a cumulative total of 200 tonnes of waste, with 162.40 tonnes already processed and 34.30 tonnes identified as inert waste,” said an official overseeing the sanitation efforts. Of this 43.30 tonnes is plastic, which has been compacted and stored at designated sites for proper disposal and recycling as the remaining 43.85 tonnes of wet waste is undergoing composting to produce high-quality manure, supporting organic farming initiatives in the region. Inert waste, totalling 34.30 tonnes, has been responsibly managed, with 24 tonnes safely disposed of at the Achan dumping site of the Srinagar Municipal Corporation. According to officials, out of 200 tonnes of waste, the wet waste collection is 85.15 tonnes, of which 85.02 tonnes of wet waste was processed. The dry waste is 80.31 collected out of which 77.38 tonnes were processed and only three tonnes are still to be processed. An additional three tonnes of inert waste are earmarked for further processing through compactors, ensuring minimal environmental impact.

Medical Care

Jammu and Kashmir’s Directorate of Health Services (DHS) has been deploying hundreds of healthcare professionals on the yatra and setting up temporary booths and hospitals. Since 2023, however, there was a change. An unspecified number of physicians, surgeons, cardiologists and other critical health care providers from 12 states (Haryana, UP Delhi, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Punjab, West Bengal, Rajasthan, Bihar and Gujarat) and 16 medical institutions (all AIIMS, central Government hospitals and CGHS) are deployed on the twin tracks.

Now the Emergency Medical Relief (EMR) Division is collaborating with the DHS Kashmir to provide healthcare facilities to the pilgrims and the service personnel. EMR joined the efforts after the specific directives of the Supreme Court regarding the medical facilities for the yatra, which included setting up Medical facilities every two kilometres of the route, deployment of doctors from other States establishment of Mortuary facilities, and others.

This year, the Health Ministry in collaboration with ONGC established two 100-bed hospitals at Baltal and Chandanwari. These hospitals have accommodation facilities for staff and all facilities for diagnosis and treatment, including lab facilities, radio diagnosis, gynaecological, ICUs and hyperbaric oxygen chambers. Under its Corporate Social Responsibility initiative, ONGC said in a statement it “constructed permanent hospitals” unlike last year. These hospitals will operate after yatra as well.

In certain cases, seriously ailing patients are being flown to SKIMS directly.

While the non-resident medical staff remains stationed at posts and hospitals, it is the local health giver that is running the major show. The health professionals start their day during the wee hours by seeing every pilgrim for age and health status. Then, they take the peculiar pony ambulance and accompany groups. The recently devised pony ambulance is a horse-mounted emergency response system equipped with medical kits and oxygen cylinders. As the high altitude comes with serious respiratory issues, they are given oxygen as and when required. The novel service has set a new standard for emergency response in remote areas, showcasing Kashmir’s healthcare innovation, the spokesperson said.

Interestingly, however, the local staff is not getting any incentive (as was the practice) while non-locals are getting free air tickets and a hefty sum for working in challenging situations for a fortnight.

Animals Health

Mohammad Sayed, a pony handler, associated with yatra since 1997 admitted that private and government healthcare services are accessible to all. However, the same is not available for horses and mules, the main element of the yearly show.

“This year around 10-15 horses had died in the Sheshnag area only due to various reasons like oxygen deficiency, water loss, and fatigue. It happens almost every year,” Syed said. “There is insurance for such losses, but the documentation process must be completed to claim compensation from the shrine board.” Since 2022, the animals used on the twin tracks have been insured.

“Around Rs 50,000 to 60,000 are provided as insurance to one horse. The insured horses are given tags which are placed near their ears. If an animal dies due to an accident the owner gets the insurance money,” Farooq Ahmed Lone, a pony handler of ten years said. “In some cases, the insurance money is provided with ease, but in others, it is delayed.”

“During yatra, we earn a handsome amount of money,” horse-man Mohammad Ameen from Kangan said. “One horse can earn Rs 60,000 which is quite good.”

Ever since Buta Malik discovered the cave, the pilgrimage has remained a composite exercise with the native Muslims managing the show. These include the horse-men, palki walas and Dandi Walas.

Sayed estimated there are around 40,000 people from across Jammu and Kashmir who are associated with the yatra, directly or indirectly. A witness to nearly two decades of the pilgrimage, he has seen the road upgrade and the surge in numbers. “The yatra sees a massive influx of people, including about 20,000 to 25,000 horsemen, porters, and palanquin bearers. There are also a few thousand tent workers and shopkeepers,” he said.

The Labour Department of Jammu and Kashmir is registering the professional service providers in anticipation of the yatra. By the third of June, more than 13,000 palki walas, pitho walas, dandis, and horses had been registered from, the Baltal side. Data about the Pahalgam side was not immediately available.

Every route to the cave site commands a different price. For a round trip from Sheshnag to the cave the rate is Rs 3050. From Chandanwari, it costs around Rs 8050. He has three horses.

Sayed like fellow horsemen stays at the pilgrimage site and returns with the pilgrims. He confirmed that facilities are available for everyone. The pilgrims pay around Rs 200-250 per night for food and tent accommodations.

Road to the Cave

To further ease the logistics, the government is now working on creating a road right up to the cave. In November 2023, the Border Roads Organisation (BRO) released a video showcasing the ‘successful’ journey of the first vehicles reaching the cave after the trek was expanded under Project Beacon.

This, however, sparked criticism, with the political class and the general citizenry of Jammu and Kashmir expressing environmental concerns. “To provide some ease is one thing, but there is a dire need to have a relook at the matter,” former Chief Minister Omar Abdullah had told reporters. “Taking vehicles to such places is akin to destroying them. Since the yatra started, people from here have carried the yatris on their shoulders and will continue to do so. Playing with our environment in such a way is not good.”

Under strong criticism, the BRO, which had been assigned the job by the Jammu and Kashmir administration in September 2022, had then issued a clarification, saying that the widened are not intended for vehicular movement. It said that the efforts are focused on tracks intended for the movement of yatris on foot, by palkis/dandies, and on ponies.

The track widening aligned with the Supreme Court directives in 2012, which asked for sufficient widening to facilitate pedestrian traffic, alleviate congestion, enhance critical stretches, and incorporate safety measures such as railings and retaining walls, all while considering environmental concerns.

However, the criticism continued.  “This is not history; this is the biggest crime against the Hindu religion and faith in nature. Hinduism is all about spiritual immersion in Mother Nature, which is why our pilgrimage sites are in the lap of the Himalayas,” PDP Hindu leader Mohit Bhan famously said. “Converting religious pilgrimages into picnic spots just for political gains is condemnable. We have seen God’s wrath in Joshimath, Kedarnath, yet we are not learning any lesson, rather we are inviting devastation in Kashmir,” Bhan said.

Telecom Connectivity

Although located far up in the mountains and cut off from the rest of the world, the Department of Telecommunications (DoT) has improved telecom infrastructure for pilgrims.

“In collaboration with major telecom operators, including Airtel, BSNL, and Reliance Jio, the infrastructure has been upgraded to provide continuous coverage along the yatra routes,” an official said. To ensure seamless mobile connectivity, a total of 82 sites (Airtel, RJIL, and BSNL) will be active in 2024. “A total of 31 new sites have been installed along the Yatra routes, increasing the total number from 51 in 2023 to 82 in 2024.”

The routes from Lakhanpur to Qazigund and from Qazigund to Pahalgam and Baltal are fully covered with 2G, 3G, 4G, and even 5G technology at many locations. “Additionally, key points of SIM distribution centres have been added to extend telecom facilitation to pilgrims.”

Improved facilities have helped better manage the yearly Hindu pilgrimage. Though the data would be available only after the yatra concludes sources within and outside SASB suggested quite a few deaths have taken place this year. Slightly less than 50 pilgrims died during the yatra for 2023 and 2022.

The post Amarnath Yatra 2024 appeared first on Kashmir Life.

In The Sirah of the Prophet: A Contemporary and Original Analysis, Dr Yasir Qadhi weaves together a narrative that transcends time and geography, offering an exploration of the Prophet’s life as a moral and spiritual compass for contemporary Muslims, writers Muhammad Nadeem

The study of the Sīrah is not merely a historical recount but a moral and spiritual compass for Muslims across generations. Learning about the Prophet Muhammad’s (peace be upon him) life offers a framework for contemporary Muslims to understand their faith and derive practical lessons for everyday life. This sentiment is echoed early in the work: “The study of the life and times of the Prophet (peace be upon him) is therefore not only an obligation but a source of benefit and guidance in every facet of our lives.”

One of the unique features of the text is the integration of the Qur’an with the Sīrah, where each verse of the Qur’an is placed in its historical and personal context. By doing so, the book “draws out verses of the Qur’an and its relevance to the Sīrah,” creating a dual narrative of theological reflection and historical storytelling. This theme remains critical throughout the work.

Sīrah as a Form of Ibadah

The author consistently emphasises that studying the Sīrah is not a mere intellectual exercise but an act of worship. By learning about the Prophet‘s life, one deepens their connection to both Islam and the Messenger of Allah. The connection between love for the Prophet and the importance of knowing his life is eloquently highlighted: “Studying the Sīrah is a marker for one’s relationship with the Prophet (peace be upon him) as well as the primary way to increase one’s love for him”. This reflective practice goes beyond memorization and seeks to immerse readers into the profound layers of meaning behind the Prophet’s (peace be upon him) actions and decisions.

Narrative Structure and Chronological Flow

The book weaves the events of the Prophet’s life in a chronological and thematic framework, where each chapter corresponds to specific life episodes, ranging from his birth and early life to the revelation and beyond. This methodology enhances both understanding and recall for readers, breaking down a complex narrative into manageable segments.

In many cases, the analysis bridges the gap between academic rigour and accessibility. The author carefully references primary Islamic texts such as Ibn Hishām’s Sīrah and al-Wāqidī’s Maghāzī, along with classical works of the Hadith. For example, the author cites the Prophet’s birth, “When he was born, the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) illuminated the world, his birth a light not only for his people but for all mankind.” This method gives the analysis an academic grounding while maintaining its accessibility for everyday readers.

Mercy and Leadership

The theme of mercy is prevalent throughout the Prophet’s life and features prominently in the text. The Prophet is described as “the channel of Allah’s mercy,” and his every action and word is portrayed as a reflection of divine kindness and compassion. This portrayal aligns with the broader Islamic notion of rahmah (mercy), which the Prophet is often considered the embodiment of.

The Prophet’s leadership style is similarly analysed through the lens of mercy. His actions during critical events such as the Treaty of Hudaybiyyah and the conquest of Mecca exemplify a leader whose authority stems not from force but from kindness and moral integrity. As the Prophet himself stated, “I am the Prophet (peace be upon him) of Mercy; I am the Prophet of Repentance,” signalling his unique role in leading by example.

Challenges and Struggles

A remarkable aspect of this work is the author’s willingness to confront controversial or misunderstood topics within the Prophet’s life. The author openly addresses the ethical dilemmas and challenges that some historical accounts present, noting, “We have nothing to be ashamed about in the Sīrah, and if something happened, it is our job to explain, contextualise, and understand the wisdom of it.” This transparency creates a sense of trust between the author and the reader, enabling a deeper engagement with the text.

The struggle between moral clarity and societal norms of the time is carefully explored. The treatment of captives in war, the role of women, and the harsh realities of early Islamic battles are all contextualised in a way that draws out the complexities of leadership in seventh-century Arabia. As the text emphasises, the Sīrah “provides an insight into the lives and conduct of the best generation to ever live.”

Physical and Moral Characteristics

One of the more evocative parts of the work focuses on the physical description of the Prophet. Accounts from companions like Anas ibn Mālik offer intimate glimpses into the Prophet’s physical presence: “The Prophet (peace be upon him) was neither very tall nor short, neither extremely yellow nor dark brown”. Such descriptions humanise the Prophet, transforming him from an abstract spiritual figure into a relatable and compassionate leader.

Yet, it is the Prophet’s inner character that truly stands at the centre of this analysis. His kindness to children, patience with companions, and unwavering dedication to truth are all underscored by numerous examples. The Prophet’s humility, for instance, is captured when he says, “Aren’t you happy that they have the dunyā and we have the ākhirah?”, thus highlighting his constant prioritisation of the afterlife over worldly gain.

Ethical and Moral Lessons

The ethical lessons derived from the Prophet’s life serve as blueprints for Muslims today. The text places significant emphasis on how these lessons transcend time and geography. The Prophet’s enduring relevance, the text suggests, stems from his ability to guide in both personal and communal matters: “The Sīrah provides the context upon which the Qur’an was revealed”. This interweaving of scripture and Sīrah renders the Prophet’s life not merely as a historical document but as an ever-relevant moral guide.

Among the most profound lessons is the emphasis on self-discipline and humility. The Prophet’s simple lifestyle, his endurance through hardship, and his constant prioritisation of the spiritual over the material are echoed in every chapter. The frequent mention of his simple living—eating dates and water for weeks—is a reminder of the contrast between the Prophet’s material simplicity and his profound spiritual depth.

The Contemporary Relevance

The author makes a strong case for the relevance of the Sīrah in today’s world. It is not merely a reflection of seventh-century Arabia but a timeless guide for ethical living and leadership. The integration of the Prophet’s life into the contemporary context serves as one of the text’s most valuable contributions. As noted, “The context by which the Prophet emerged from a largely illiterate and disorganised tribal setting to conquer large swathes of the world… is nothing short of a miracle.”

The author challenges readers to not only view the Sīrah as a historical account but as an ongoing narrative that informs the actions, decisions, and leadership styles of Muslims today. The key message is that the Sīrah is more than a biographical record; it is a living example that provides a moral and ethical compass for personal development, societal justice, and leadership.

A Call to Spirituality

The Prophet’s first Friday sermon in Madina reflects the concise yet profound nature of his speech, which combined spiritual guidance with practical instructions for the Muslim community. This sermon delivered mid-journey, underscores the importance of prioritising religious obligations regardless of circumstances. The Prophet’s sermons, typically lasting only three to five minutes, focused more on the length of prayers rather than lengthy orations—a stark contrast to modern practices.

His sermon emphasises the importance of piety, reminding the Companions to prepare for the Hereafter and remain conscious of Allah. This theme of spiritual consciousness (taqwa) is central, serving as a guiding principle for how Muslims should live both in private and public life. The sermon further reflects the Prophet’s emphasis on aligning one’s actions with the fear and love of Allah, solidifying the connection between faith and practice.

Unity and Leadership

The Prophet’s decision to build a mosque immediately upon his arrival in Medina exemplifies his leadership and vision. His priority was to establish a space for communal worship, which was both a spiritual centre and a physical manifestation of the unity of the Muslim community. The humility displayed by the Prophet, who personally participated in the construction, reflects his belief in equality among Muslims. This also highlights the participatory nature of early Islamic society, where the leader worked alongside his followers to achieve common goals.

The mosque itself was simple, with a roof made of palm leaves and walls of clay, emphasising the value of function over grandeur. The use of natural resources and the involvement of the community in the construction process symbolise Islam’s grounding in humility and service. Besides, the Prophet’s focus on prayer and worship over materialistic concerns reinforces his prioritization of spiritual growth over worldly luxuries.

Social Harmony

The Prophet’s initiative to bind the Emigrants (Muhājirūn) and Helpers (Anṣār) through a pact of brotherhood (mu’ākhāh) reflects his foresight in fostering unity and social cohesion within a diverse community. This bond was not only symbolic but also carried legal implications, including rights of inheritance, displaying the Prophet’s ability to integrate spiritual teachings with social reforms.

The famous story of Sa‘d ibn al-Rabi‘offering half of his wealth to his brother ‘Abdurrahman ibn ‘Awf encapsulates the spirit of generosity and sacrifice that the Prophet sought to instil within the community. While Sa‘d’s offer demonstrated the Anṣār’s hospitality, ‘Abdurrahman’s humble refusal to accept charity and his preference for self-sufficiency illustrated the importance of dignity and hard work. This balance of brotherhood, generosity, and self-reliance is a hallmark of the Prophet’s vision for an equitable society.

A Model of Governance

The Treaty of Medina was a pioneering document in Islamic governance, defining the relationships between the Muslims, Jews, and Pagans of Medina. This treaty demonstrated the Prophet’s diplomatic skill in creating an inclusive society, where diverse groups were given autonomy yet united under a common legal framework. The treaty’s recognition of the Jews as a distinct nation alongside the Muslims highlights the pluralistic nature of the early Islamic state. The mutual responsibilities outlined in the treaty, such as support during conflicts and respect for each group’s internal affairs, were revolutionary for its time.

The treaty laid the foundation for a society where justice and mutual respect were paramount. It emphasised that all inhabitants of Medina, regardless of religion or tribal affiliation, were bound by a common set of laws and protections. The Prophet’s role as the ultimate arbiter in disputes between the Muslims and Jews further solidified his leadership and the centrality of Islamic principles in governance.

A Defining Moment in Identity

The change of the qiblah from Jerusalem to Mecca was a significant moment in Islamic history, symbolising the emergence of Islam as a distinct religion with its own identity and direction. The Prophet’s distress at turning his back towards the Ka‘bah during prayer illustrates his deep connection to Mecca and its symbolic importance in Islam. The revelation allowing Muslims to now face the Ka‘bah during prayer represented not only a spiritual shift but also a political statement, asserting Islam’s independence from its Abrahamic predecessors.

The qiblah change also served as a test of faith for the Muslims in Medina, distinguishing the true believers from those who would waver in their loyalty. The Prophet’s leadership in navigating this transition further highlights his ability to guide his followers through both spiritual and practical challenges.

The Devoted Seekers of Knowledge

The Ahl al-Suffah, a group of poor but devout Muslims who lived in the Prophet’s Mosque, represent the epitome of dedication to knowledge and spiritual growth. Their sacrifices, including enduring extreme poverty and hunger, reflect the early Muslims’ commitment to learning and piety. The Suffah became a hub for Islamic education, where the Prophet personally instructed these individuals, many of whom became the foremost scholars of their time.

Among the Ahl al-Suffah, figures like Abu Hurairah emerged, who, despite coming from humble beginnings, went on to become one of the most prolific narrators of hadith. This underscores the idea that in Islam, knowledge and piety hold far greater value than wealth or social status.

The Dream, Vision

The narration begins in 6 AH when the Prophet experienced a dream in which he saw himself performing the ṭawāf  (the circumambulation of the Ka’bah) while in iḥrām. This dream, as understood by the Prophet, was a divine command from Allah for the Muslims to perform Umrah, a pilgrimage to Mecca. As Shaykh Qadhi notes, this dream “constitutes Revelation” as the dreams of the Prophet are not mere dreams but are, in fact, divine communication. The Qur’an corroborates this with the verse: “Indeed, Allah will fulfil His Messenger’s vision in all truth: Allah willing, you will surely enter the Sacred Mosque, in security—[some with] shaved heads and [others with] hair shortened—without fear.”

This revelation set the stage for the Prophet’s decision to travel to Mecca, a decision fraught with immense risk, given the Quraysh’s ongoing hostility toward the Muslims. The eagerness of the Companions, who had not seen Mecca in six years, contrasts sharply with the reluctance of the Bedouins surrounding Medina. Their refusal to participate is criticised in the Qur’an, which condemns their cowardice and lack of faith. This moment illustrates one of the broader themes of the Sirah: the varying levels of faith and commitment within the Muslim community, from the Bedouins to the most esteemed Companions.

The Journey to Hudaybiyyah

The Prophet, with 1400 Companions, set out for Mecca with peaceful intentions, making it clear that their journey was purely religious. Dr Qadhi highlights the Prophet’s wisdom in choosing to travel during the sacred months, a period when fighting was prohibited, signalling his intent to avoid conflict. However, despite these peaceful overtures, the Quraysh responded with preparations for war, sending Khālid ibn al-Walīd to block the Muslims from entering the city.

One of the most telling moments during the journey occurs when the Prophet’s camel, al-Qaswā’, suddenly stops and refuses to move. The Companions, frustrated, assume that the camel has become stubborn, but the Prophet responds with the insight that “she is being prevented by the One Who prevented the elephant,” referencing the famous event when Abraha’s elephant stopped short of attacking the Ka’bah. This moment is charged with both spiritual and historical significance, as it evokes Allah’s protection of the Ka’bah and foreshadows the Prophet’s eventual triumph, albeit through unexpected means.

Negotiations and Divine Wisdom

Arriving at Hudaybiyyah, the Muslims encountered resistance from the Quraysh, who sent mediators such as Budayl ibn Warqā’ and ʿUrwah ibn Masʿūd al-Thaqafī to negotiate with the Prophet. One of the most profound moments comes during the interaction between Urwah and the Prophet’s Companions. Initially, Urwah belittles the Muslims, describing them as a “medley of different bandits,” suggesting they would flee at the first sign of battle.

However, after witnessing the intense devotion the Companions displayed toward the Prophet, Urwah’s perception changed dramatically. He reports back to the Quraysh that he had never seen a king more revered by his people than the Prophet was by his Companions.

The final negotiations between the Prophet and Suhayl ibn ʿAmr mark the crux of the treaty. The conditions, which outwardly seemed humiliating to the Muslims—such as the requirement to delay their Umrah until the following year—angered many Companions, particularly Umar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb.

However, as the Prophet made clear, these conditions were part of Allah’s plan. One of the most striking moments during the negotiation is the insistence of Suhayl that the Muslims must return any Quraysh members who fled to them, even as Suhayl’s son, Abū Jandal, appeared in chains, having escaped his captors in Mecca. The Prophet, though deeply moved by Abū Jandal’s plight, abided by the terms of the treaty, a powerful demonstration of his commitment to peace.

A Turning Point

The Muslims’ frustration reached its peak when rumours spread that Uthmān, whom the Prophet had sent to negotiate, had been killed by the Quraysh. In response, the Prophet gathered the Muslims under a tree to pledge their loyalty, a pledge that became known as the Bayʿah al-Riḍwān (The Pledge of Divine Acceptance). This pledge, made at a time of immense uncertainty, is considered one of the highest honours in Islamic history, second only to the Battle of Badr.

This moment is pivotal because it marks a turning point in the Muslims’ relationship with the Quraysh. Allah revealed during this time: “Indeed, We have granted you a clear triumph…” This “clear triumph” was not in the form of a military victory, but rather the establishment of peace through the Treaty of Hudaybiyyah. The Prophet understood the divine wisdom behind the treaty, even as some of his closest Companions struggled to see its benefits at the moment.

A Strategic Victory

In hindsight, the Treaty of Hudaybiyyah proved to be a strategic masterstroke. As Dr Qadhi points out, it was the first time the Quraysh recognised the Muslims as a legitimate political entity. This recognition, coupled with the ten-year peace agreement, allowed the Muslims to consolidate their power and spread the message of Islam more widely. Within two years of the treaty, the number of Muslims had doubled, and the groundwork was laid for the eventual Conquest of Mecca.

The Prophet’s wisdom in prioritising long-term success over short-term gains is evident in the aftermath of the treaty. The Companions, who initially saw the treaty as a setback, soon realised its profound significance. The Prophet’s ability to navigate such a delicate situation, balancing diplomacy with firmness, is a testament to his unparalleled leadership.

The Dawn of the Caliphate

The transition from the prophetic era to the period of the Rightly Guided Caliphs marks a pivotal moment in Islamic history, one that continues to shape Muslim thought and practice to this day. The Sirah of the Prophet provides a detailed and nuanced account of this critical juncture, offering insights into the Prophet’s final days, his death, and the immediate aftermath that saw the establishment of the first Islamic state without direct prophetic guidance. This essay aims to synthesise and analyse these events, exploring their immediate impact and long-term implications for Islamic theology, governance, and social structure.

Contextualizing the Farewell Hajj

The Farewell Hajj, occurring in 10 AH (632 CE), was more than just a religious pilgrimage; it was a culmination of the Prophet’s mission and a final address to his community. Dr Qadhi’s account emphasises the sheer scale of this event: “Sources state 100,000 attendees, and while it would have been impossible to accurately count, there were at least tens of thousands of pilgrims.” This massive gathering provided the Prophet with an unparalleled platform to consolidate his teachings and set the stage for the future of the Muslim community.

The Prophet’s final sermon during Hajj encapsulated core Islamic principles, emphasising the sanctity of life and property. He declared, “Certainly, your blood and your wealth are sacred, just like this [sacred] day of yours in this [sacred] month of yours in this [sacred] town of yours.” This fundamental principle established the inviolability of human life and property, laying the groundwork for Islamic law and ethics.

The sermon also marked a clear departure from pre-Islamic practices, as Muhammad explicitly rejected certain customs of the old tribal system. This served to unify the diverse Arab tribes under a common ethical and legal framework, drawing a clear line between the new Islamic order and the old ways.

In a revolutionary move for its time, the Prophet emphasised the importance of treating women with kindness. While this represented a significant improvement in women’s status, the full implications of gender equality in Islam continue to be debated by scholars and activists today.

Finally, the Prophet’s insistence on the equality of all Muslims, regardless of tribal affiliations, was a radical concept in the tribal society of Arabia. This principle of unity would prove crucial in the expansion and governance of the early Islamic state, as it emphasized the shared identity and values of the Muslim community.

Humanity and Divinity

The account of the Prophet’s final illness offers a poignant glimpse into the human and divine aspects of his character. Dr Qadhi’s description of the Prophet’s severe fever, in a time when medication was unavailable and fevers often proved fatal, serves to humanise him. It reminds us that, despite his prophetic status, Muhammad was subject to the same physical vulnerabilities as his followers.

Moreover, the Prophet’s endurance and commitment to his mission, even in the face of severe physical distress, are a testament to his unwavering dedication. His ability to persevere through immense pain and discomfort underscores the depth of his devotion to his faith and his people.

This poignant portrayal of the Prophet’s final illness also sets the stage for the inevitable – his death – which would prove to be a difficult reality for many of his followers to accept. By acknowledging the Prophet’s mortality, the account prepares us for the profound impact of his passing, while also highlighting the divine aspect of his character, which would continue to inspire and guide his followers even after he was gone.

The interaction between Muhammad and his wife Aisha during this period offers intimate glimpses into their relationship and the Prophet’s character. The exchange where he teases her about dying before him, saying, “O Aisha, what would you lose if you were to die right now and I wash your body, place you in your shroud, and pray over you?” reveals a tender, human side to their relationship, even in the face of impending loss.

Subtle Indications of Succession

The question of succession after the Prophet’s death has been a contentious issue in Islamic history. However, Dr Qadhi’s account highlights several incidents that, in retrospect, suggest Abu Bakr was the natural successor. One significant event was the Prophet’s insistence that Abu Bakr lead prayers during his illness. Despite initial reservations from Aisha, the Prophet ordered, “Go command Abu Bakr to lead the people in prayer.” This appointment was not only a practical measure but also a symbolic gesture, given the importance of prayer in Islamic practice.

Further evidence of Abu Bakr’s special status came with the Closed Doors Incident. The Prophet declared, “All the doors of the Mosque [that connect to the private houses] are to be closed except Abu Bakr’s door.” This statement was a clear indication of Abu Bakr’s unique position among the Prophet’s companions.

Additionally, during the Prophet’s final public appearance, he observed Abu Bakr leading prayer, which further reinforced this succession narrative. The crowd was so overjoyed to see Abu Bakr leading a prayer that they almost invalidated their prayers.

While these incidents did not constitute an explicit nomination, they created a strong precedent for Abu Bakr’s leadership.

Succession in Early Islam

The issue of succession in early Islam exposed the intricate relationship between religious authority and political leadership, highlighting the challenges of filling the vacuum left by the Prophet. As both a spiritual guide and political leader, Muhammad’s death raised fundamental questions about the future governance of the Muslim community.

Key concerns included whether spiritual and political leadership should remain united in one person, what qualifications were necessary for leadership, and the optimal method for selecting leaders – whether through divine appointment, consensus, or other means. These questions would have far-reaching implications, shaping Islamic political thought for centuries and sparking diverse interpretations and occasional conflict within the Muslim community. The ongoing quest for answers would influence the development of Islamic governance, testing the balance between religious ideals and practical politics.

The Final Moments

The account of the Prophet’s final moments is deeply moving and rich in symbolic significance. His last words, al-Rafiq al-A’la (The Loftiest Company), reflect both his spiritual state and his ultimate destination. Dr Qadhi explains, “Scholars explain that al-Rafiq al-A’la is Allah Himself i.e., the loftiest company.”

The reactions of those closest to the Prophet Muhammad reveal the profound personal loss they experienced upon his passing. His daughter Fatimah’s poignant lament, “O my father! You have answered the call of your Lord! O my father! You will enter the Highest Paradise! O my father! We give the news of your death to Jibril!” captures the emotional turmoil of grief tempered by faith. Her words convey the deep sense of loss and devotion that characterised the relationships between the Prophet and his loved ones.

Aisha, the Prophet’s wife, also reflected on the intimacy of their relationship in her moment of grief. She cherished the fact that the Prophet had passed away in her house, on her designated day to nurse him, and in her arms, with his head resting between her neck and chest. Aisha considered it a great blessing from Allah to have shared this final moment with the Prophet, and her words underscore the personal nature of her loss while highlighting her special status as one of his closest companions.

Implications and Long-term Impact

The Prophet’s death had significant theological implications for the Muslim community. One of the most important was the cementing of the Islamic doctrine of the finality of prophethood. With Muhammad’s passing, Muslims had to transition from relying on direct divine guidance through him to interpreting and applying his teachings in new contexts. This marked a significant shift in the community’s understanding of revelation and guidance, as they learned to navigate the complexities of applying prophetic teachings to emerging challenges.

The detailed account of the Prophet’s illness and death also served as a poignant reminder of the human nature of prophets in Islam. This aspect of Islamic prophetology distinguishes it from concepts of divine incarnation found in some other religions. By acknowledging the Prophet’s humanity, Muslims were reminded that his teachings and legacy were not diminished by his mortality, but rather underscored the importance of his message and the need for continued interpretation and application.

The succession crisis that followed the Prophet’s death forced the community to grapple with fundamental questions about the nature of religious and political authority in the post-prophetic era. How would divine authority be mediated through human leaders? What was the relationship between religious and political power? These questions pushed the community to think critically about the structures and principles that would guide them in the absence of direct prophetic guidance, ultimately shaping the development of Islamic thought and practice.

The events surrounding the Prophet’s death had significant political and legal implications for the Muslim community. The Saqifah meeting and its outcome established crucial precedents for leadership selection, highlighting the qualities valued in Islamic leaders, such as wisdom, piety, and proximity to the Prophet. This marked the beginning of a new era in Islamic governance, where leaders would be chosen based on their ability to interpret and apply the Prophet’s teachings.

With the Prophet no longer present to provide direct guidance, the Quran and his recorded teachings (Sunnah) became the primary sources for Islamic law and practice. This shift underscored the centrality of scripture and prophetic tradition in Islamic life, as the community turned to these sources for guidance on everything from legal disputes to personal piety.

The need to apply the Prophet’s teachings to new situations in his absence spurred the development of Islamic legal theory and jurisprudence. As the community faced novel challenges, scholars and leaders had to interpret and extend the Prophet’s teachings, laying the groundwork for the rich and complex tradition of Islamic jurisprudence.

The Prophet’s death also had significant social and cultural implications. The preservation of prophetic traditions likely accelerated in the aftermath, leading to the development of Hadith literature to collect and safeguard the Prophet’s sayings and actions. This effort ensured the continuation of the Prophet’s legacy and provided a vital link to his teachings.

The successful transition of leadership allowed for the continued expansion of the Islamic state, leading to the rapid spread of Islam beyond the Arabian Peninsula. As the community grew and diversified, Islam became a unifying force, transcending tribal and regional affiliations.

The debates over succession and leadership helped shape a distinct Muslim communal identity, one that emphasised shared beliefs, practices, and values over tribal or regional ties. This emerging identity would continue to evolve, but its roots in the Prophet’s death and the subsequent leadership crisis marked a significant turning point in the development of the Muslim community.

Historiographical Considerations

When examining the events surrounding the Prophet’s death and the subsequent leadership transition, it is essential to consider the nature of the sources and the potential biases in historical narratives. Many details of these events may have been interpreted or emphasised retrospectively to support theological or political positions, which can shape our understanding of the past. Moreover, the passage of time and the process of oral transmission before written records were established may have affected the accuracy and consistency of the accounts.

The diversity of narratives surrounding these events is another crucial consideration. While the Sunni account is dominant in Islamic historiography, alternative narratives, particularly from Shia sources, offer different interpretations of these events. These varying perspectives underscore the complexity of historical reconstruction and the need for nuanced understanding.

It is also important to recognise the tendency in Islamic sources to idealise the early Muslim community, potentially downplaying conflicts or disagreements. This idealisation can obscure the intricacies of historical events and the challenges faced by the early community. By acknowledging these historiographical considerations, we can approach the events surrounding the Prophet’s death with a more critical and nuanced perspective.

Comparative Perspectives

The events surrounding the Prophet’s death and the subsequent leadership transition can be fruitfully compared with similar moments in other religious traditions. For instance, early Christianity faced similar debates over leadership and doctrine after Jesus’ crucifixion, leading to diverse interpretations and eventually to institutional structures like the papacy. Similarly, after the Buddha’s death, his followers had to interpret and systematise his teachings, resulting in various schools of thought and practice.

Judaism’s evolution after the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE offers another parallel. The loss of the temple forced Judaism to transition from a temple-centered religion to one based on textual study and interpretation, echoing the Muslim community’s transition after Muhammad’s death. These comparisons highlight common challenges faced by religious communities after the loss of their founder, including questions of authority, interpretation of teachings, and community organisation.

By examining these similarities, we can gain a deeper understanding of the shared dynamics that shape the development of religious traditions. The comparisons also underscore the significance of the Prophet’s death and the subsequent leadership transition as a pivotal moment in Islamic history, one that resonates with broader themes in the study of religion.

The events described in Dr Qadhi’s account retain significant contemporary relevance for Muslim thought and practice. In the realm of political theory, debates over Islamic governance and leadership qualifications in Muslim-majority countries often reference these early events. The discussions surrounding the Prophet’s succession and the qualities of his successors continue to inform modern debates on Islamic political theory and the role of leadership in Muslim societies.

The sectarian divisions that emerged in the aftermath of the Prophet’s death, particularly the Sunni-Shia split, remain a defining feature of the Muslim world’s geopolitics. Understanding the historical roots of these divisions is essential for navigating contemporary sectarian tensions and working towards greater Muslim unity.

Modern Islamic reform movements often look to the early period of Islam, including the Prophet’s final days and the reign of the Rightly Guided Caliphs, as a model for authentic Islamic practice. By examining the successes and challenges of the early Muslim community, reformers seek to revitalize Islamic thought and practice, addressing pressing issues like social justice, equality, and religious freedom.

Finally, understanding the events surrounding the Prophet’s death and the early Muslim community’s response can facilitate more nuanced interfaith discussions about the nature of prophetic leadership and religious authority. By exploring the parallels and differences between Islamic and other religious traditions, we can foster greater mutual understanding and respect, ultimately enriching our collective religious landscape.

Conclusion

The period surrounding the Prophet’s final days, death, and the immediate aftermath represents a critical juncture in Islamic history. It was a time of profound loss, potential crisis, and ultimately, community resilience and adaptation. The events of this period established precedents and principles that would shape Islamic theology, law, and governance for centuries to come.

Dr Yasir Qadhi’s detailed account in The Sirah of the Prophet provides a nuanced understanding of these events, balancing historical narrative with insightful analysis. It invites readers to consider the complexities of leadership transition, the interplay between spiritual and political authority, and the enduring impact of the Prophet’s teachings on Islamic civilisation.

This pivotal moment in Islamic history continues to resonate, offering lessons in leadership, community building, and the delicate balance between tradition and adaptation in religious communities. It challenges us to reflect on how religious ideals interact with political realities, how communities navigate periods of profound change and loss, and how the legacy of a transformative leader can continue to shape societies long after their passing.

The study of this period remains crucial for understanding Islamic history and grappling with broader questions about religious authority, political legitimacy, and the evolution of religious communities.

The post Why Prophet’s Life Is Perpetually Relevant? appeared first on Kashmir Life.

Four months after travelling more than 3000 km for the 30-episode Jashn-e-Ramzan 2, Syed Shadab Ali Gillani recounts the highs and lows of travelling across fasting Kashmir to interact with people and tell their stories, a series that has been watched by millions so far.

While browsing our official Kashmir Life social media account, I stumbled upon a remarkable milestone: an episode of our highly anticipated series Jashn-e-Ramzan 2 had surpassed a million views. These sparked more than quarter-old memories when I and my team worked relentlessly throughout the month of Ramzan, forgoing breaks to deliver daily episodes from a new location. While millions watched the outcome of the exercise for which we travelled more than 3000 km and recorded many terabits of filming, I feel compelled to share the story behind the series, which had consumed my every waking moment, and dedicate myself to it, quite literally, with blood, sweat, and tears.

The Spadework

Following the success of Jashn-e-Ramzan’s inaugural season, the newsroom opted to commission a second season, introducing a male anchor and an ambitious 30-episode run. This marked a bold departure from conventional programming in Kashmir, where a non-news series had never been produced on such a demanding schedule.

 

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The challenge was daunting: record, edit, and broadcast each episode within a single day. For me, the most unexpected hurdle was sacrificing my three-year-old locks, to which I had grown deeply attached. My hairdresser was equally reluctant, but ultimately, I relinquished my long hair for the sake of the series.

Beyond this personal hurdle, I required a skilled researcher, camera operator, and editor to bring the series to life. Television is rarely a solo endeavour. Fortunately, a few sponsors soon came on board, and my costume sponsor provided the icing on the cake. Overnight, our team coalesced into a cohesive unit.

The series’ success hinged on securing five key partners: Kanwal Food and Spices, Jamkash Vehicleades, Aloha, Fortune Resorts, and Khyber Cements. Later, Lady Hut Apparels joined as a sponsor for the final ten episodes, thanks to the tireless efforts of our business section. Each time a contestant won a prize, our team shared in their joy, marvelling at the depth of their knowledge. Children who answered correctly received a special gift hamper, courtesy of Al Hilal Diagnostic Laboratory. My gratitude extends to Royal Concept, for sponsoring my wardrobe.

First Day

Our show’s tagline, Hum Ramzan Mein Hain, was emblazoned on the screen, accompanied by the names of our sponsors and their respective taglines. I was tasked with mentioning each name with utmost precision, a responsibility I soon grew accustomed to.

Though not nervous, I felt the weight of expectation. Amidst this pressure, we began recording the series on March 11, 2024, a day before the first fast. My colleague, Faiqa Masoodi, ironed my clothes with meticulous care, and I was transformed, much like a groom preparing for his big day. Our editor affectionately dubbed me Desi Ertugrul.

On the day of the shoot, we set out from the office with enthusiasm, but our progress was halted by an unexpected downpour. We returned to the office, postponing the completion of the first episode. The next morning, we faced a new challenge: one of our primary camera operators, Umar Dar, fell ill, leaving only Shuaib Wani and me to carry on.

Our first episode was scheduled to be filmed at Khanqa e Maula in Srinagar. Thankfully, our colleague Mohammad Imran came to our aid, assisting us at the venue. After completing the first episode, we rushed back to the office to submit the footage for editing.

Despite the low energy on the first day, we pressed on, determined to record the second episode. Following Zuhr prayers, we proceeded to our second venue, Jamia Masjid Srinagar, where we encountered a welcoming and cooperative crowd. We finished recording before Magrib prayers and returned office for a refreshing iftar.

Morning Birds

As the first light of dawn crept over the horizon, our team embarked on a gruelling yet exhilarating journey, capturing the essence of Kashmir’s hidden gems. With the initial two episodes in the bag, we ventured into the unknown, braving the challenges that lay ahead.

On the second day, we set our sights on Ganderbal, hoping to wrap up filming by afternoon and squeeze in an additional episode at Kangan. I arrived at the office before sunrise, where Shuaib joined me, and together we kicked off our day. However, disaster struck when I realised I had left my essential slippers behind. A frantic search led us to a nearby shoe store, and we managed to find a suitable replacement.

Ganderbal, a location that had previously garnered impressive viewership, loomed large in our expectations. The initial half of the shoot proved arduous, with the peak hour rush rendering the streets devoid of conversation. Perseverance paid off, and we eventually garnered a favourable response. A restaurateur friend helped us, guiding us through the labyrinthine streets in search of captivating settings. By afternoon, we had completed our task.

The pièce de résistance was our encounter with the Human Calculator, whose astonishing mental agility left us awestruck. His subsequent social media fame was a testament to his remarkable talent. As we concluded filming, the skies grew dark, and a torrential downpour forced us to abandon our Kangan plans.

With a 30-day series ahead, we adopted a gruelling schedule, sacrificing sleep to record two episodes daily whenever possible. This would allow us a brief respite during the final days. Our WhatsApp group served as the nerve centre for meticulous planning, with timings orchestrated to perfection.

Some days, we arrived at our destinations before the streets stirred to life. In Sumbal, the market lay dormant, prompting us to postpone filming until later in the day. We hastily relocated to Kangan, the morning light casting a golden glow over the deserted landscape.

These early morning forays were a true test of endurance, with fatigue often getting the better of us. Yet, the promise of untold stories kept us going, even as our eyelids drooped in the car. The pursuit of storytelling had become an all-consuming passion, driving us to push beyond the limits of human endurance.

A Journey of Discovery

One of the most enriching aspects of this series was the extensive research it entailed, which greatly expanded my knowledge and deepened my understanding of various subjects. Another highlight was the opportunity to travel throughout Kashmir, uncovering new facets of this enchanting region. A particularly poignant experience was performing Salah in different Masjids.

Each day brought new experiences, and with every passing day, our learning and exploration grew. This series was an adventure akin to a rollercoaster ride, taking us on a journey from north to south, covering every significant part of Kashmir. It was my first time visiting many of these places, and I was struck by the unique stories behind each shrine and location. From Lolab to Sumbal, I discovered new shrines, Masjids, and Imam Bargahs, each with its fascinating history.

One revelation that left an indelible mark on me was learning about Khansahib, a town in Budgam named after a Sufi saint who came to Kashmir to spread Islam. The series was replete with intriguing facts and stories about various locations in Kashmir, making every day a treasure trove of new knowledge.

On the third day of filming, we embarked on the Pulwama and Pampore episode. The morning struggle to stay awake after Sehri was a challenging start. Shuaib, my camera operator, arrived at my place, and we picked up Mushtaq, our marketing manager, from his residence.

Warmth and Discovery

I had hoped for a positive response, but nothing could have prepared me for the incredible experience that awaited us in Pulwama. Our day of shooting was nothing short of amazement, with everyone we met displaying remarkable cooperation, warmth, and wit. For me, it was a serene experience, as the good-natured conversations left me feeling uplifted. The market vendors were equally impressive, enthusiastically sharing stories about their products and businesses. We later visited a beautiful masjid for Zuhr prayers, where we learned about its remarkable history from the committee. The fact that the youth of the locality had taken the initiative to rebuild it was truly inspiring.

The people of Pulwama will forever hold a special place in my heart, and their love and warmth towards our team remain one of the highlights of the series.

Another unforgettable experience was in Baramulla, a place that resonates deeply with me. We began our day early, joined by Umar Dar, who had recovered from his illness and was now fit to rejoin the team. We started at the Shrine of Syed Janbaz Wali and ended our day at Government College Baramulla, where I had the pleasure of reconnecting with my alma mater. The people we met were warm and friendly, making the experience even more enjoyable. Walking through the narrow lanes of old town Baramulla and strolling along the Jhelum was a refreshing and nostalgic experience, with memories of my college days flooding back. We even had the opportunity to meet some of my former teachers and discuss our professional journeys. For me, it was a homecoming of sorts, and recording on the same campus was a truly special experience.

Finally, there was Downtown, Srinagar – a place that never fails to surprise. We dedicated an entire episode to exploring the old markets, uncovering stories, struggles, and the pain behind the smiles. The episodes were a resounding success, filled with rich content and a mix of everything that makes life worth living. It was, indeed, a Masala episode.

Stories and Encounters

One episode that stands out in my mind is the Zadibal episode, dedicated to the historic Imam Bargah, Zadibal and its surroundings. The true delight of recording there was the enthusiasm of the children, eager to share their thoughts and insights. Their excitement was palpable as they vied to answer our questions, revealing a sense of wonder and curiosity.

Similarly, our experiences at Imam Barah, Budgam and Imam Barah, Magam were marked by the joy and energy of the children we met. Their infectious enthusiasm made our interactions a true pleasure.

One encounter that left an impression on me occurred during the Pahalgam episode shoot. An elderly woman approached us, seeking financial assistance. We explained our mission – posing Quran questions to individuals, with a gift from our sponsor for correct answers. To my surprise, she responded with a thoughtful and well-reasoned answer, accompanied by impeccable justification. This chance encounter taught me a valuable lesson: knowledge knows no bounds, and countless intelligent individuals remain unrecognised, their wisdom unshared on social media.

The Flip Side

Every story has its shadow, and our journey was no exception. While we effortlessly connected with people in many places, others proved to be a formidable challenge.

Handwara stands out as a prime example. After completing our shoots in Kupwara and Lolab, we arrived in Handwara, expecting a seamless experience. However, our enthusiasm was met with a wall of silence. The people were inexplicably camera-shy, their voices muffled by a mix of fear and liberation. No one was willing to share even a few words about their hometown, leaving us struggling to make progress.

As the day wore on, our frustration grew. By 5 pm, we had made little headway, and the prospect of abandoning the episode loomed large. However, a young bearded man broke the ice, answering our first question and kindling a glimmer of hope. We decided to make one final push, seeking inspiration at the Jamia masjid during Asr prayers. The Imam’s humility and warmth reignited our determination. With renewed energy, I took a different approach, engaging people directly and even delivering an impromptu ‘sermon’ to encourage them to share their stories. In under an hour, we completed our questions and bid farewell to Handwara.

Sopore presented another formidable challenge. Despite enlisting the help of local friends, we faced relentless hesitation and reluctance. The experience was very different from the warmth we encountered in Baramulla, a stark contrast within the same district.

Capturing Stories

Anantnag proved to be another testing ground for our team. A full day was devoted to recording a single episode, with only a handful of individuals willing to engage with us. Out of every ten people we approached, nine declined to even listen to our proposal, while the remaining one would politely decline after hearing us out. This pattern repeated itself throughout the day.

Despite Anantnag’s rich history and vibrant business community, offering a treasure trove of stories, the townspeople were hesitant to share their experiences on camera. Perhaps it was a case of camera shyness, but it made our task undeniably challenging.

Fortunately, a friend came to our rescue; assisting us throughout the day and helping us complete the demanding episode. While other locations presented their own set of challenges, none were as daunting as Anantnag.

Upon reflection, I noticed a significant factor contributing to people’s reluctance to speak on camera. As our series was religiously themed, individuals were hesitant to provide answers for fear of being criticised for any mistakes. Despite our assurance that incorrect responses would not be aired, many remained sceptical, underscoring the sensitivity surrounding religious discussions.

Roadside Iftar

Each day presented a new obstacle for our team to overcome. One of the most pressing concerns was breaking our fast on the road, often with scarce resources.

During our shoot at Awantipora, we concluded the episode at the Shrine of Syed Mantaqi just as Iftaar approached. However, we found ourselves alone, with no shops nearby to procure food. Fortune smiled upon us, as we had a small water bottle in our car, which became our humble Iftaar. This was not an isolated incident; work pressure often led us to forget to prepare for Iftaar.

We learned from our mistakes and adapted, carrying packets of dates and water bottles with us, occasionally supplementing with fruit. In many instances, we were fortunate to receive Iftaar from generous individuals distributing milk, dates, and water to travellers on the road. One notable example was during our shoot in Bijbehara, where a kind stranger offered us two milk bottles for our Iftaar.

Throughout our journey, we encountered numerous individuals who insisted we stay for Iftaar at their homes, a testament to the warmth and hospitality of the people we met.

Camaraderie

Throughout our journey, we managed to share only a few Iftaars at our office, mostly during the final days of the month. Many more were enjoyed on the roadside or in the newsroom, where a sense of community and shared experience brought us together.

Our office Iftaars were a delight, with a sumptuous spread of Phirni, fruit chat, and warm conversation that revitalised our spirits and replenished our energy. The Ramzan team was treated to a special feast, and our colleagues eagerly await our return, offering support and appreciation in every way possible.

As the holy month ended, our newsroom organised a grand, full-staff Iftaar party at a local restaurant. We gathered around the table to savour a traditional Wazwan dinner, marking the end of our incredible journey with a sense of gratitude and shared accomplishment.

The Unsung Heroes

As we navigated the complexities of our project, the research team served as the steady anchor, guiding us through turbulent waters. Led by the indefatigable Babra Wani, this dedicated group posed five probing questions daily, often prompting us to exhaust our inquiry and seek further clarification. Through the ubiquitous WhatsApp, I maintained constant communication with Babra, who would frequently forsake sleep, staying awake until the stroke of midnight to ensure a seamless exchange of ideas.

In tandem, my colleague Faiqa Masoodi demonstrated unwavering dedication, furnishing me with meticulous research on each locale we visited. Her thoughtfulness extended to ensuring our sustenance, as we returned from arduous day-long shoots, thanks to the culinary expertise of Bisma Wani and Fayaz Najar. Their nourishing meals revitalised our energies, fortifying us for the challenges ahead.

Aiman Fayaz, the youngest member of our newsroom, embodied unbridled enthusiasm, assisting her colleagues with alacrity and excitement. Her infectious zeal permeated our workspace, buoying our spirits.

As we approached the culmination of our 30-episode series, an unexpected hurdle arose: Ramzan‘s abbreviated 29 days threatened to disrupt our schedule. Undaunted, Imran rose to the occasion, selflessly dedicating his Eid day to editing the final episode, ensuring our project’s timely completion.

A Heartwarming Reception

As our episodes aired, a remarkable phenomenon unfolded: people began to recognise us, and our team’s dedication resonated deeply. Wherever we went, warm greetings and heartfelt appreciation awaited us, transcending age boundaries. The elderly and children alike engaged us in conversations about our work, filling our hearts with joy. This outpouring of love inspired us to strive for excellence, as recognition fuelled our passion to create even better content.

Even now, when someone recognizes me, they inevitably reference the series. Some affectionately dub me Ramzan series or Hum Ramzan Mei Hain, nicknames that have become synonymous with my identity. Colleagues share stories of their loved ones embracing me as one of their own, fondly calling me Gillani. I have been told that many family members and friends closely follow my work, a testament to the series’ impact.

Beyond face-to-face encounters, our social media platforms overflowed with gratitude. Viewers eagerly inquired about our next destination and suggested locations for future shoots. Friends messaged me about their parents’ admiration for my work, which brought immense delight. Social media and personal messages poured in, acknowledging the tireless effort invested in each episode.

The series bestowed upon me not only recognition but, more profoundly, an abundance of blessings from all who watched. This heartfelt appreciation has left an indelible mark on my journey.

The Light-hearted Moments

Amidst the chaos of production, a humorous aspect emerged: my friends’ fascination with my on-screen attire.“Love your wardrobe in every episode, I hope you get to keep them after the shoot too,” a friend quipped over WhatsApp. Numerous messages poured in, with friends jokingly requesting I set aside a few outfits for them, under the assumption I would get to keep the entire wardrobe.

Another source of amusement was the gift hampers. Friends frequently inquired about their contents, often jokingly asking me to reserve a few for them, assuming I would receive a plethora. Even now, they teasingly accuse me of secretly hoarding the gifts and wardrobe, refusing to believe I did not get to keep them.

Series editor Iqra Akhoon once chuckled and said, Meinny aaj tak itna kisi ko nai dekha hai, as she edited all the episodes. Her words still resonate, capturing the essence of our experience.

The journey was a rollercoaster of emotions, veering from stress when work felt incomplete to satisfaction when our efforts were praised. Ultimately, the experience was a pleasant, informative, and enriching adventure.

I hope our series continues to thrive, and our hard work bears fruit. Kashmir Life aims to sustain the Jashn-e-Ramzan spirit for years to come.

The post The Making of Jashn-e-Ramzan 2 appeared first on Kashmir Life.

As editor of the 30-part series, Iqra Akhoon shares her transformative quest, and how the pursuit of excellence can transform both the creator and the creation.

In February, our newsroom embarked on an audacious endeavour to craft a 30-part series, Jashn-e-Ramazan 2, an ambitious project that would push the boundaries of storytelling and artistic expression. While the concept was vivid and full of promise, bringing it to fruition proved to be a formidable challenge, a true test of our collective creative mettle.

This was not our first foray into the scheme of grand productions; a similar sense of scope and ambition had always marked our past undertakings. However, this time was different. The stakes were higher, the expectations greater, and the pressure to deliver enormous.

In the maiden season of Jashn-e-Ramazan, the inimitable Sabreen Ashraf, a talented anchor with a rare artistic touch, played a pivotal role, displaying a mastery of her craft that set our work apart. Her ability to weave disparate threads into a cohesive narrative was unparalleled, and the series became a resounding success. As we stepped into the second season in 2024, all eyes were on me to take the reins and lead the creative charge.

The editor, naturally, expected me to anchor the series, to be the face of the series and bring my perspective to the fore. But, in a move that caused a stir of uncertainty within the team, I declined. Instead, I opted to remain behind the scenes, focusing my energies on editing the 30 films, a task that would demand my utmost dedication and commitment.

“I wanted to push the boundaries of storytelling, to experiment with new ideas and techniques,” I explained to the team. “By stepping back from the anchor’s role, I could focus on crafting a narrative that was both cohesive and innovative, one that would do justice to the spirit of Ramazan.”

As I delved into the editing process, I thought I knew that I made the right decision. The series began to take shape, a rich collection of stories and experiences that will resonate with audiences and leave a lasting impact. The journey was far from easy, but in the end, would it be well worth the struggle?

Trials of Editorship

As I took over as the series editor, I embarked on a path shrouded in uncertainty, yet I was resolute in my determination to see it through, no matter the personal cost. The weight of responsibility settled upon me like a mantle, and I steeled myself for the challenges that lay ahead.

My days unfolded with metronomic regularity, commencing at 9 am and often stretching into the late hours of 9 pm. On days, I reached home after the Taraveh prayers were over. The prolonged hours took a toll on my physical and mental well-being, forcing me to confront the unyielding demands of my new position. For the first time in my life, I found myself donning glasses, a testament to the intense strain on my eyes, which had grown weary from poring over footage and scripts.

My workspace, a small, Spartan room, became my sanctum sanctorum, equipped with a desk, a computer, and an eerie solitude. Ramazan, the month of fasting, came with an austere silence that precluded even the comforting ritual of a cup of tea to punctuate the monotony – Hum Ramzan Main Hain, the line that Shadab would repeat in every episode.

The sheer volume of footage that required editing was staggering, a daunting task that threatened to consume me whole. Selecting the right shots added another layer of stress, as I grappled with the weight of creative responsibility. I often wondered if those around me fully grasped the physical and mental toll this project exacted from me, or if they merely glimpsed the surface ripples of my struggle.

A Do Not Disturb sign became a constant sentinel on the door of my room, a barrier against the outside world, shielding me from interruptions during my working hours. In moments of dark humour, I considered adding a caveat: I am already disturbed. Yet, I refrained, adhering to a professional demeanour, even as internal chaos threatened to consume me.

“I had to find a way to tame the chaos, to impose order on the creative tumult,” I reflected, my voice barely above a whisper. It was a journey into the heart of uncertainty, but one that I was determined to navigate, no matter the cost.

The Ramazan Trails

The inaugural day of Ramazan had been a marathon of unrelenting pressure, as the weight of expectations from all quarters threatened to crush me beneath its oppressive yoke. I drove myself to the brink of exhaustion, toiling tirelessly to complete the first episode by the self-imposed deadline of 9 pm. The episode’s scheduled broadcast, carefully calibrated to coincide with the iftaar (Maghrib Namaz), hung precariously in the balance. Yet, despite our Herculean efforts, we missed the mark, and the sting of failure lingered, a bitter reminder of our shortcomings. The first episode finally aired at 10 pm, a full hour after the intended broadcast time.

As the days blurred into a haze of weariness and frustration, the strain began to tell. My mother, once a pillar of support, now scolded me for my late-night returns, suggesting, with a hint of exasperation, that I might as well take up residence at the office. My father, usually a beacon of encouragement, remained uncharacteristically silent, his tacit disapproval a palpable force. Still, my commitment to the project remained unwavering, a promise to myself to see it through, no matter the cost.

The monotony of editing, a Groundhog Day of repetitive content, threatened to consume me whole. I confided in Shadab, my frustration boiling over, “Throughout this entire month, I have seen only one face.” His laughter, a rare moment of levity, was a fleeting respite from the crushing drudgery.

Yet, as an editor, I was duty-bound to critically evaluate every aspect of the series, from camera work to anchoring. Shadab’s spontaneity, though admirable, was a luxury I could not afford. I needed him to tread the fine line between elegance and camera awareness, his every step and gesture synchronised with the sound. Alas, my pleas fell on deaf ears.

The series had become a Sisyphean task, a creative millstone around my neck. Even the occasional late-night scooter rides home with Aiman and Fayaz, intended as moments of catharsis, felt like a burden, my mind consumed by thoughts of my mother’s taunts. The usually exhilarating rides now seemed like a chore, a reminder of the long hours and unrelenting pressure that had become my reality.

The Editor’s Conundrum

As an editor, I yearned for the thrill of variety, for novel challenges that would reignite the spark of creativity within me. Yet, the monotony of editing the same content day in, and day out, had begun to suffocate my passion and energy. The drudgery of repetition threatened to consume me whole, leaving me a hollow shell of my former self.

But I knew I could not afford to surrender. This project was my commitment, my promise to the team, and most importantly, to myself. I owed it to myself to see it through, no matter the hardships. And so, we pressed on, driven by an unwavering belief that success would be ours, no matter the obstacles.

The nature of the show, a question-and-answer format focused on Islamic topics, demanded meticulous attention to detail. I often found myself scrutinising the anchor’s responses, verifying the accuracy of their words, as participants’ correct answers were rewarded with gifts from our sponsors. This process, while necessary, devoured a significant chunk of my time, leaving me with precious little to devote to other aspects of the project.

As I toiled away, editing material for hours on end, my mind wandered to the audience, to the viewers who would ultimately judge our work. The pressure to attract attention, hung over me like the sword of Damocles, leaving me frustrated and on edge.

And then, there was Fayaz Najar, whose constant, though, maybe, with good intentions, cynical mocking threatened to erode my confidence. “Idarah Khatre Main Hai! Can you do this right? And on time?” his words seemed to say. But I refused to let his jibes get the better of me. For I knew that our work had resonated with the people within and outside Kashmir, around the globe. “Alhamdulillah,” I breathed a silent prayer of gratitude, “our efforts have been rewarded.”

In the end, it was this knowledge that sustained me, that drove me to push forward, even when the journey seemed impossible. I knew that our work was not just about TRPs or views, but about touching lives, making a difference, and outreach to people to listen to them, their hopes, ideas, tensions and problems. And that, I realised, was the greatest reward of all.

The post Jashn-e-Ramzan 2: Editing An Epic appeared first on Kashmir Life.

Babra Wani recounts how she and her team defied hunger and thirst while researching from the most sensitive religious text a script for a show that is now part of Kashmir’s audio-visual history

Every time, the Kashmir Life staff is invited over a cup of tea, something new is cooking up. That happened in February when the staff rushed to the tiny newsroom that lacked enough chairs to make everybody comfortable.

“We are renewing the programme (Jashn-e-Ramzan) after the initial success of season one, but I have a slightly different idea for this one,” the editor told us as we started sipping Tanha Ashu’s tea. The tone was unmistakably suspenseful, leaving us intrigued and eager for more.

Having been part of season one, hosted by amazing Sabreen Ashraf, I was intrigued by the new twist: Syed Shadab Ali Gillani, my colleague, would be the face of this series. “A male host? Would it work? What would be the response? What if it faltered?” Our minds raced with questions. Yet, knowing Shadab’s exceptional hosting skills brought us some comfort.

By the meeting’s end, we decided on two parallel series centred on Ramzan, the Muslim month of fasting. I was thrilled to be part of Jashn-e-Ramzan season two and Aaj Ki Mulaqaat season three. I was tasked to lead the research team while coordinating for the Aaj Ki Mulaqaat at the same time.

The Team Takes Shape

Initially, I sought permission to let me handle the research solo, but thanks to Faiqa Masoodi, our online editor and Shadab’s intervention, I was persuaded otherwise. “It will be too taxing for you,” they cautioned. Trusting their advice, I agreed, and our team was swiftly formed: Shakeela Shawl, Faiqa Masoodi, Aiman Fayaz, Humaira Nabi, and Khalid Bashir Gura as the editor agreed to oversee things.

Almost a week later, we had the first meeting of the research team on Sunday. Though we had already created a WhatsApp group to stay in touch, ironically, it marked the beginning of doing away with weekly off.

A Twist in the Plan

As I struggled with some physical issues, Aiman Fayaz assisted me zealously, her enthusiasm unmatched. After lunch, we resumed research, joined by our editor at 3 pm to frame questions. However, another twist emerged: “This season’s theme will focus solely on the Qur’an, and all questions will revolve around the holy book.” Unlike the season 1, it was focused. Every episode would require five questions. The task had grown more daunting, requiring questions, options, answers, and explanations – a time-consuming endeavour indeed.

That Sunday, Fayaz Najar and I worked tirelessly until in the evening to craft questions that would form the foundation of our month-long series on the Qur’an. By the end of the day, we had meticulously framed 10 questions, accompanied by detailed answers and explanations. As I returned home at 8:30 that night, I felt a sense of accomplishment, knowing that our diligence would pay off eventually.

Given the sensitive nature of our subject matter, we had to be extremely cautious and accurate. I drew lessons from our previous season, where mistakes had been made, and ensured that our questions were framed with utmost precision. While my role was less demanding than Shadab’s, who bore the weight of the series on his shoulders, I still found myself grappling with the daunting task of handling two series and framing questions daily.

Ebb and Flow

The exercise was a rollercoaster with its highs and lows. Yet, Shadab never once pressured us with questions, understanding that delays were inevitable. This month-long series was a celebration of knowledge, and as we studied, researched and framed questions, we engaged in intense discussions that broadened our understanding. For me, it was a rediscovery of the Quran.

Almost every episode had its theme. We got used to working late at night locating themes and crafting questions. This seamless collaboration was a testament to our team’s dedication and commitment to producing a series that would enlighten and educate our audience. We would frame questions in Urdu, and I would transliterate them for Shadab’s ease.

A Glimpse into the Chaos

To dedicate maximum time to Jashn-e-Ramzan, we would record numerous interviews for Aaj Ki Mulakaat in a single day. This gruelling schedule left us exhausted, with most of my iftaars consumed on the go. Rare moments of respite included a few iftaars with family and a singular occasion with colleagues at a restaurant. The latter was notable for the employees’ fascination with Shadab, who they dared not approach, fearing an impromptu interrogation.

It is crucial to acknowledge that each 15–20-minute episode was the culmination of long hours of toil, determination, research, and patience. Navigating vast amounts of knowledge and information was a daunting task, requiring rigorous fact-checking due to the sensitive nature of the content. Scholars aptly described it as “information overload.”

Lessons Learnt

My experiences in Jashn-e-Ramzan seasons one and two were distinct. While the first season involved travelling with the team and researching locations, the second season pushed me to the back end. Eventually, every sentence was well received.

Jashn-e-Ramzan brought recognition to Shadab, as an impressive and capable host, a lifetime experience to Umar Dar and Shuaib Wani, challenges to Iqra Akhoon, and an enhanced skill set. For me, it taught me patience and no second option to study. We strove for accuracy, selecting precise Urdu words and syntax to create an aural experience. Our questions followed themes, exploring topics like metals, minerals, flora, and fauna mentioned in the Qur’an.

As I immersed myself in the research team, my attachment grew so strong that even in slumber, a thought would strike me: “I have to frame the Questions.” My daily routine transformed, as I began crafting questions immediately after sunrise, a habit that continued until I arrived at the office. There, we would engage in lively discussions with our editor, pouring over handwritten notes and explanations. We had adopted a traditional approach, relying on bundles of white sheets to frame our questions. Occasionally, Shakeela Shawl would share photographs of her meticulously crafted questions.

As the series ended, I experienced a sense of withdrawal. The absence of questions to be framed and explanations to be written left me feeling empty. My connection to those bundles of white sheets began to wane.

A Labour of Love

Despite the challenges we faced, our team remained resolute. We received overwhelmingly positive feedback, validating our tireless efforts, patience, and dedication. There were moments of confusion and self-doubt, but together, we persevered, motivating each other to push forward.

While most of us focused on framing and researching questions, Faiqa Masoodi calmly delved into the history and significance of the places Shadab would visit for the shoot. Her quest for accurate information was not always easy, with some days yielding readily available answers and others requiring intense struggle.

It was not questions alone. We also meticulously crafted the scripts for the inaugural and final episodes. We strove to create a narrative that rivalled poetry in its beauty and elegance. Shadab’s distinctive voice and hosting style paid fitting tribute to our tireless efforts.

A Season of Reflection

In contrast to the previous season, I found myself in a more relaxed state, despite not traveling with the team. My ailing back forced me to adopt a more subdued pace. However, during the month our collective focus and motivation intensified. We were driven to excel.

So far, the series has been watched by more than 67 lakh people and it is still being watched like the inaugural season. In the acknowledgement, I feel an overwhelming sense of pride and personal accomplishment. Our team’s unwavering dedication had yielded a triumph.

A Legacy

Jashn-e-Ramzan remains one of the most talked-about and celebrated projects to date. I hope that our future endeavours continue to make a meaningful impact, allowing us to contribute positively to society in every way possible.

The post Jashn-e-Ramzan 2: Scripting A Show appeared first on Kashmir Life.

Shuaib Wani revisits his 30-day non-stop journey with Umar Dar and Shadab Gillani

After the newsroom decided to get into Jashn-e-Ramzan (JeR) 2, with a male host, it took a few days to motivate and encourage Shadab Gillani to anchor the show. As the managerial backend man, I needed a camera person who is a driver too. Eventually, it was me and Umar Dar who had to be in either-or partner with Shadab.

Unlike JeR 1, the sequel was better structured and had a full-fledged research team, a proper crew, a male host, and a female editor. It was a 30-part, double of JeR1.

Getting Equipment Ready

In a few days, I arranged a Sony 4K camera, three iPhones, a gimbal, some extra storage cards, batteries and chargers so that we did not face the mid-shoot mess. On the eve of Ramzan, we visited Srinagar’s Shahr-e-Khas to shoot certain sequences for the first episode.

As the month of fasting set in, I had suhoor and headed to the office only to be shocked that Umar was unwell and had not reported to the workplace. This is not something that we did not anticipate. We are trained to deal with anything as long as the anchor is all right.

Knowing that all journeys’ first steps are difficult, we started from Khanqah-i-Muala, Islam’s first major address in Kashmir. We captured the shrine inside out and then it was time for the quiz.  In a panic, we had forgotten the quiz gifts at the office so we requested Imran to get them. He arrived with the gifts from the office and extra equipment and assisted me in recording the rest of the show.

Big Crew

Every time, we start a new series, we always need extra help because each episode is a basket of several ingredients – quizzes, bytes of people, small stories around and b-rolls. The latter is a complete section because they make the film. Our focus was basic: to capture the feelings, experiences, and people of every location we visit; and explore the surrounding beauty of life and locality. Till Umar recovered, a week later, I had to manage entirely on my own, almost akin to JeR1. I did my best but a lot was amiss. Tragically, most of the time was consumed in encouraging folks to speak up and face the camera.

This may look humorous but the fact is that the most difficult aspect of our work was finding a safe place to park the car and then lifting the gifts and equipment manually. Every episode had five questions, five giveaways, in fact, some more for kids. I recall a couple of occasions when we got correct answers but we had no gifts as they had to be fetched from the car. By the time, we got the gifts, the participants were home!

In Tral, one of our friends, an erstwhile internet at Kashmir Life assisted us in carrying gifts and arranging the bytes. On the way home, we recorded an episode in Awantipora, which had previously been tough because no one spoke and I could not capture B-rolls owing to the bright sunshine. So we waited and captured the quiz and the data. We were engaged in capturing the Ziyarat Mantaqi Sahib when we heard the azaan. It was iftaar time, and we could not locate anything to break our fasts, so I located a bottle of water in the car for breakfast. We resumed work after the Namaz.

Umar’s return was a great help. He used to film the B-rolls as we two talked to people.

We normally wanted to get through the quiz part quickly, but luck was not always on our side. Getting people to talk was the most challenging part.

For peripheral locations, we would start after the Suhoor. For working in urban locations, we had to wait till markets opened. The best moments to shoot are always sunrise and sunset, but we had to shoot all day, whether in the morning, noon, or evening.

The most difficult thing for a filmmaker is to remain completely present while capturing individuals. Many people get into the frame but wish they were not recorded. Many individuals approached us saying, “Bhai, please delete this video.”

There are interestingly mischievous people around, almost everywhere. At Charar-i-Sharief on a Friday, when we were talking to a roadside vendor, a young man “alerted” him that we were photographing him without his permission. We had to show him the camera record to ensure that we did not record anything.

Fasting and Travel

Working while fasting is beneficial as it allows you to focus solely on work and worship. Normally, part of the day gets consumed in tea breaks and lunch. Working on this series was both a privilege and a challenge. We barely slept after Suhoor and arrived home late. However, we offered prayers across Kashmir’s best Masjid’s and Khanqah’s that we had the privilege of profiling. It was a spiritual odyssey.

Special Moment

Certain moments were unforgettable. In Dal Lake, a dawn shoot was mesmerising as we captured incredible beauty with only birds chirping. Deep inside the waterbody, we captured the maze of waterways and wooden roads. In a perfect setting, we captured the anchor in all poses possible. We got an interesting shikarawala who rowed us into the entire lake, helping us meet some people whom we might not reached normally.

Capturing Ramzan 2024 was a unique experience in storytelling in a different way. We hope we repeat it in 2025.

The post Jashn e Ramzan 2: Behind the Lens appeared first on Kashmir Life.