Quantcast
Channel: Faith Archives | Kashmir Life
Viewing all 104 articles
Browse latest View live

Surviving A Genocide

$
0
0

The perilous journey of Rohingya Muslims from hostile Burma to Kashmir is literally drenched in blood. Two Kashmiri journalists offer an idea of how difficult it is to escape ethnic cleansing and then survive in a state of statelessness. Dar Yasin, currently stationed in Cox’s Bazar, on Bangladesh border, detailed the crisis that he has been covering for last fortnight. In Srinagar Umar Mukhtar met a few shelter-seekers to offer a peephole view of the situation from which they have miraculously survived

Image: Dar Yasin- AP

Almost five years after he fled Burma, Hafizur Rehman is somehow at peace with himself. Living on the breathtaking Khimber hillock, not far away from Srinagar, he is feeling the significance of fresh air, literally and metaphorically. Not a criminal but a Muslim, he has literally been wandering for all these years.

Now one of the 17 Rohingyas in a multi-story building in Khimber, Hafiz, 30, is living with Ayesha, his wife, and two kids, Habib 4, and Sadiya. They were sheltered by managers of Darul Aloom Bilaliya, where Hafiz used to teach.

Every family has two bedrooms, a kitchen and a bathroom. “We are lucky that we have such facilities,” said Hafiz. “Our relatives in Bangladesh are living with empty stomachs.”

Residents of Arakan, the only state with 42 percent of Muslim population, Hafiz and Ayesha are cousins. This region has been an independent state that Burma took over in 1785. Later, it was part of British India that ruled the belt as a province of India till it was split in 1937. Though Muslim have lived in Arakan for centuries, the British India era immigrations to the area are basic to the ethnic cleansing which is under way. After Burma became independent, Arakan remained as its part since 1948. Arakan became Rakhine in 1974.

Burmese Buddhists have been treating the Muslims minority as its liability. They are denied even the basics and are seriously discriminated against to the extent they are not being seen as state subjects. This has triggered some violence in response to which genocide is going on for the last more than five years.

It was one such crisis that led Hafiz and Ayesha to flee home. It has tragic detail.

One day Hafiz said he had gone to see a relative, living five kilometers away from his home. He walked the distance because he said there were no roads and no transport facility in rural Rakhine as the Burmese government is not laying roads in Muslim belts as a matter of policy. Rakhine is predominantly Rohingya Muslim area.  People have to walk by foot there. Myanmar government does not permit Rohingyas to build concrete houses; they have to essentially live in mud homes. During crackdown, Hafiz said, Myanmar security forces usually attack the educated and those appearing religious. “The government there does not own its citizens and treat them as the immigrants,” Hafiz said.

Hafiz could not return home and the area was cordoned off by the Myanmar security agencies. It scared Hafiz because he owned a Nokia cell phone. Frightened, he hid the mobile. “Rohingiya Muslim having a mobile phone is like owning an unlicensed AK-47 rifle,” Hafiz said.

The searches started with the checking of identities. On the pretext of searching militants, they scanned the entire house and ransacked everything. During this scan, they recovered the mobile phone. Hell broke loose.

The house at Khimber where Rohingya families are staying in Kashmir.

Entire family was assembled and beaten. Nobody claimed the mobile. But a severe beating made Hafiz to admit his ownership. That marked the start of a crisis.

Immediately, Hafiz said he was tied with his hands behind, bundled in a police vehicle and whisked away. He was driven to Thana Chowk No 6, a place where the verdict is passed on arrested persons. “I was beaten there and death sentence was awarded for me,” said Hafiz.

‘Convicted’, Hafiz said he was shifted to Ballu Kalli   prison, five kilometers away, which is the place where the death sentence is executed. It is the most dreaded place for the Rohingiya Muslims. “These days most of the trending videos which you see on social networking sites  have been shot here,” almost a crying Hafiz said. “There, people are butchered with long knives.”

Hafiz recalls  they were five people in a small and dark cell. “We  were kept standing on our toes for hours together and  nails were kept under the rest of our feet so that we cannot rest our feet,” Hafiz said, talking about the horrible and painful days while showing his disfigured feet.

One night, Hafiz remembers, two of his mates were tied by their legs and dragged away. For some time, they were crying and then silence took-over. “They do not shot or hang people but kill them mercilessly by  chopping body parts with axes and swords,” Hafiz said. “That death is very painful.” They dump bodies in the river.

Well before, other would face the execution, a storm struck a ‘miracle’. It lasted for several hours forcing the police to delay the execution. Interestingly,

Hafiz promised 40,000 Burmese Kyat to the guard of his cell in freedom. “If you let me go I will give you all of them,” Hafiz remembers telling the guard. “The guard gave me his address for handing over the money and I fled from the prison.”

Out of prison, Hafiz straightaway ran to see his mother. Quickly, he decided to migrate to Bangladesh. Next day, he took Ayesha along and they started for Bangladesh, where they eventually married.

Hafiz said, Myanmar has a law for the Rohingiya Muslims that they have to deposit two lakh Kyats if they want to marry. They are also supposed to submit a sort of an affidavit that they will not raise more than two children. “So my parents and my uncle did  not want us to get married there but gave us the consent to go and save our lives,” Hafiz recalls.

The two spent 50,000 Kyats to hire a guide and for a day and a night, they trekked through thick, frightening forests to reach Bangladesh border. “Ayesha was weeping all the way and we were very tired and hungry.”

After crossing the border, they were on their way to a relatives’ home when the Bangladeshi police arrested them for illegal crossing. Hafiz said they give cops Ayesha’s golden ring as bribe and were let go.

Living in a slum’s scrap-home, they married and stayed in Bangladesh for a year.  Overpopulated, Hafiz said survival was hard. Somehow, they infiltrated into India.

Initially, they lived in Rajasthan and then moved to Jammu.

Somebody, suggested Hafiz to explore Kashmir. He came to Shopian where he started teaching at a seminary. Soon, he lost his job of Quran teacher.

Training in teaching of Quran, Hafiz landed a job in 2014 at Darul Aloom Bilaliya. As he narrated the ordeal, the seminary management asked him to bring some other families for shelter.  Now seventeen families are living here peacefully. Some of them earn as well.

Recently, he sent Rs 20,000 to his mother, two brothers and a sister, who are now living as refugees in Bangladesh.  “After the mass migration to Bangladesh, I have to spend Rs 1400 a month for staying in touch with my relatives,” Hafiz said.

In 2002, Salamatullah, then 16, fled from Arkhan’s Rohang city, where he lived in constant fear. He was enrolled at a local Madrassa, around 10 kms away from his home.

 “Whenever we would come back from Madrassa we had to deposit five hundred Kyats on the check posts,” Salamatllah said. “Mere presence of army would force us hide behind bushes.”

Even Buddhist doctors discriminate against them. “A pregnant Rohingya lady is not allowed inside a government run hospital,” said Salamat. “I have not seen any women delivering a baby at the hospital. All deliveries take place at home using local remedies made of herbs. “It is a miracle that no lady faced any complications.”

Rohingiyas are not entitled to any government jobs as they have been ‘stripped’ of nationality by the Myanmar government.

But here in Srinagar Salamat is now living a peaceful life and is earning a decent living by working hard as a labourer. But the pending decision in Supreme Court which is to be heard on October 3, takes him down the memory lanes of ‘fear and oppression’ in Myanmar.

Of the 40,000 Rohingyas’, quite a few are sheltered in J&K, mostly in Jammu, where they survived a massive conflagration of their shanties earlier this year. In their individual interactions, these refugees, mostly listed by UNHCR, are thankful to Delhi for letting them live and survive. But a counter narrative that they are a security threat and they have links with ISIS and ISI and they must be deported is a real worry for these stateless refugees. In wake of frequent statements by the government functionaries, the refugees had petitioned the Supreme Court. In response to this, the Ministry of Home Affairs submitted a detailed affidavit listing the reasons for why they are not welcome in India. This has triggered a new insecurity for the refugees who are living in the worst situation, in abject poverty, and in a state of statelessness.

The affidavit came within days after the Prime Minister Narindra Modi visited Myanmar and condemned the terrorist attacks. “Myanmar condemned the recent barbaric terror attacks during the Amarnath Yatra in India as also various acts of terror perpetrated by terrorists from across the borders,” the joint statement issued on September 6, 2017, reads. “India condemned the recent terrorist attacks in northern Rakhine State, wherein several members of the Myanmar security forces lost their lives. Both sides agreed that terrorism violates human rights and there should, therefore, be no glorification of terrorists as martyrs.”

“We are facing the same problem as India is facing in Kashmir,” Myanmar State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was quoted saying. “Because (there is) a large Muslim community in India and in places like Kashmir, you had this trouble of sorting out the terrorists from the innocent citizens and all those who are not involved in the terrorist movement at all. So we have the same problem.”

Finally, when MHA made the position on the issue clear in the Supreme Court, it has already triggered a debate. Now the questions being asked are: Can Delhi tell the Dalai Lama to leave? And in Kashmir the question is: What about West Pakistan refugees?

 


Shared Motherhood

$
0
0

When a couple that had stayed put at the peak of migration of Kashmiri Pandits, died between a year, the responsibility of taking care of the four kids, three of them minors, fell on the Levdoora villagers. But the residents are angry over the media coverage that projected a routine as a rare trend, reports Saqib Mir

Nancy’s kids at their Lavdoora residence in Qazigund. Pic Source: A Pandit Whatsapp Group

The Kindergartner wakes up early in the morning and starts looking for his mother. Finding her nowhere, he starts crying. In his bed, Sonu Koul gets a reassuring hug and he sleeps again. It was their neighbour, a middle-aged woman, who had literally taken his mother’s role.

On December 23, 2017, when Kashmir grieved the death of Nancy Koul, 50, in Qazigund’s Levdoora, the locals were busy managing the shock of the four children, she left behind. Theirs was the only Kashmiri Pandit family living in the village as all others had migrated. This put a lot of responsibility on the local majority community to ensure that they take care of the four siblings at the worst crisis of their life.

“Since the day Nancy left this world, I along with other two elderly women are putting up at Nancy’s house,” Hameeda Bano, one of the local woman and the Koul neighbours, said. “We not only visit their house during the day but we even stay during nights with these orphaned children.”

Their staying put in the village apart, Koul’s have suffered in recent years. In December 2016, Nancy’s husband Maharaj Krishan Koul died. He used to make and sell tea in Qazigund market. A year later, when she breathed her last, their four small children are left alone in their house with no elder to look after them.

Nancy’s death was not mourned by Muslims alone. The Pandit employees living in nearby Vesu camp also joined the last rites. Her relatives living in Jammu also made a hasty arrival. There was an impression that the local Muslims had insisted that they would not allow the little orphans to move away from the village.

“The fact is that we suggested Nancy’s children will be taken care of if they wish to live with us as their parents had done,” one elderly Muslim woman said. “We said we will take care of them like we are taking care of our own children, we will educate them, and marry them.” They said that they also suggested that if they wish to move away and live in some relative’s care and get educated, “they are free to choose that as there is no compulsion.”

The women were reacting to the reports that the village had put its foot down and insisted that the small kids will not be allowed to go out. “We are neighbours of Kouls’ for decades and we have a lot of love and respect for each other,” one neighbour said. “When Nancy’s children were small and she was unable to breastfeed them, it was Naseema Banoo who breastfed them but that is just a routine in the villages of Kashmir. Even when the kids grew up, Naseema would supply her cow’s milk to Kouls’ and that is also a routine in the rural setting.”

Muslim women offering condolence to Nancy Koul.

The two communities have been living in perfect harmony for decades. The bonds grew strong after every Pandit left and only Kouls’ stayed put. Last time, when Kouls’ old house went up in flames, the Levdoora residents raised donations, collected rice and helped Kouls’ to rebuild their home. They repeated the same thing when Koul died, leaving behind a family with no support. They somehow got a small job in J&K Bank for Nancy. “That is what we are exactly doing now, there is nothing new, no additions, nothing,” Hameeda said. “We are doing it because this is what we have been doing throughout our life.”

The village is shocked over the media coverage because they say what they did is just a routine. The four orphaned siblings Suraj Koul, 17, Meenakshi Koul, studying in tenth standard, Sagar, a ninth standard student and the little Sonu Koul in LKG are now reluctant to talk to media.

“As these kids are mourning the death of their mother, media persons are making them uncomfortable by asking more and more questions,” said a Kashmiri Pandit, Sam Bhatt. Pandits from the neighbouring village are yet to decide with whom and where these four orphaned siblings will live now. Deepakshi Bhat, who lives in a nearby village, visits Kouls’ daily after their mother died. “Some media persons took these siblings in separate rooms, fed them some lines, recorded and left,” Bhat insisted, without mentioning even a single crew. “Some made them say that they want to live in Vessu transit camp and some made them speak that they want to live in Jammu.” The kids, she said, were confused and did not know actually what they wanted to do. “These children are yet to come out of the shock, they are mentally depressed and when they will come out of that depression, we will talk to them and will make a final decision where they will live and who will be their caretaker,” Bhat said.

Pandits putting up at Vessu transit camp want the kids to shift out of the village to Jammu. “I think it will be better if these siblings will be shifted to Jammu and will be provided with a housing facility and education there,” Dileep Kumar Koul, who is presently putting up at Vessu transit camp, said. “Jammu will be a better place for them to live in because they have relatives there who will also take care of them.” In fact, their aunt, Jigri had come from Jammu, to mourn the death of her sister.

The Muslim neighbours are unconcerned over what the kids and the Pandit community will decide. They are doing, as they say, what they must do in such situations.

Kouls’ Muslim neighbours are very eager to cook for these children but due to religious constraints, they are not able to do that. “Though we do not cook in their house for them and for their Hindu and Muslim guests who still come to offer their condolences, we still offer tea and food to many Muslim,” a couple of the neighbours said. Now a few Pandit boys and girls from a neighbouring village are cooking and serving the guests.

“I have been cooking in the Kouls’ house for the past more than 10 days,” Deepakshi Bhat said. “Their Muslim neighbours would have done the same thing but due to some religious constraints they are unable to do that.”

But the Muslims do all other things. After their mother died, one of her daughters fell ill. Naseema, who had breastfed all the four kids, said the condition of one of Nancy’s two daughters is worsening. Without wasting time, she shifted the distressed daughter to a nearby hospital. “To look after Nancy’s children is my foremost obligation because I am also like their mother as I have breastfed them all,” Naseema said while wiping off her tears. “That is how humans are supposed to be.”

Kashmir’s Jewish Connection

$
0
0

Scores of books and ethnolinguistic literature have been around to explain who the Lost Tribes of Israel took refuge in Kashmir. The authors studied physical features, language and connected legends and places to support the narrative. Now a new research carried out by scientists in USA and Kashmir says, the claims are myths, reports Saima Bhat

The centuries-old “myth” about the ‘lost tribes of Israel’ had a strong Kashmir angle and it led to countless papers. Exiled in 722 BCE, it was believed that they had travelled to Kashmir taking the historic Silk Route and spread across various countries in the Middle East, Persia, and Afghanistan. A recent joint research done in the USA with SKIMS has examined by issue and laid it to the rest.

The research paper A Genome-Wide Search for Greek and Jewish Admixture in the Kashmiri Population was jointly done by Department of Human Genetics and Division of Hematology and Hematologic Malignancies, Department of Internal Medicine from the University of Utah School of Medicine, Salt Lake City, Utah USA), and Department of Internal & Pulmonary Medicine, Sher-i-Kashmir Institute of Medical Sciences, Kashmir (SKIMS).

The paper was focused on the longstanding hypothesis that Kashmiri population derives ancestry from Jewish or Greek sources. Various studies in last more than two centuries have claimed that there are historical and archaeological evidence of the ancient Greek presence in India and Kashmir.

It has also been proposed in the study that many of the rural tribes of Kashmir are of Greek descent as a result of the conquests of Alexander the Great. “It is thought that many of Alexander’s conscripts and soldiers settled in parts of India, including Kashmir, and intermixed with the local population once his conquests ended in India. This hypothesis has been supported by archaeological evidence of ancient Greek presence in Kashmir,” the paper explains.

Lineage of Dissent

There have been series of studies that have connected linkages or similarities between the Hebrew and the Kashmiri. Even some of the physical features including a peculiar skin disease were shared by the two ethnicities resulting in the conclusion that they have the same ancestry. Medically, the peculiar baldness is called Alopecia.

To investigate this hypothesis, the researchers studied a sample population of 15 Kashmiris whose DNA was received at SKIMS. In the University of Utah’s School of Medicine, the same sample of a genotype data from 573 persons of Jewish descent who represent 16 populations, including two Sephardic, were also collected from the Jewish HapMap Project, which served as a Jewish ancestry reference group.

The sample population from Kashmir had resided in the Kashmir for at least three generations and had no history of marriages outside the valley or to a non-Kashmiri. And another sample for genotyping was taken from sixteen Kashmiri Tibetans from Srinagar, who had Tibetan ancestry and now practised Islam. They had also performed further genotyping on a previously undescribed population of 32 firsthand second generation Tibetan exiles in McLeod Ganj that included two individuals from the Tibetan Children’s Village, to serve as population references.

This study was done using a genome-wide genotyping and admixture detection methods, in which it was found that there are no substantial signs of Greek or Jewish admixture in modern-day Kashmiris. The ancestry of Kashmiri Tibetans was also determined, which showed signs of admixture with populations from northern India and West Eurasia.

The researchers have written in their joint paper that it is possible that the southern European and Mediterranean admixture seen in the Kashmiri individuals represents Greek or Sephardic Jewish ancestry. However, these patterns are not Kashmiri specific and are seen in a number of nearby Indo-European ethnolinguistic populations in northern India and Pakistan. Taken together, these findings have strongly suggested that the Kashmiri population is genetically similar to nearby populations and does not have a distinctly different ancestral origin.

Interestingly, the genomes of Tibetan population, however, have displayed their ancestry from both Tibetan and south-west Asian sources. “The Kashmiri Tibetans show ancestry deriving from the various populations of India, Pakistan, and western Asia,” The paper reads.“The degree of ancestry deriving from these populations in the Kashmiri Tibetans is also highly variable, which is a pattern consistent with recent admixture. Ancestry from these populations could suggest that admixture took place between Tibetans and Arabic-speaking peoples in the past. Such events are thought to have occurred as early as the eighth century AD when Islam was first introduced to Tibet.”

In addition, some Kashmiri Tibetans who claimed to have originated from Kashmir migrated to Lhasa and returned to India after the incorporation of Tibet into the People’s Republic of China. Once they were exiled by the Beijing to West Bengal, Pandit Nehru accepted their Kashmir ancestry and helped them take refuge in Kashmir, their home now. “These migratory events could have resulted in additional admixture,” reads the paper.

The results of the study show that the Tibetans in McLeod Ganj are very genetically similar to previously studied Tibetan populations found on the Tibetan Plateau. As a result, studies of this population could be useful in elucidating the genetic and physiological mechanisms by which Tibetans are able to adapt and survive in high altitude and hypoxic conditions.

Untouchability Reforms in J&K

$
0
0

A BJP lawmaker funding upper caste crematoriums and more recently the Jammu University faculty getting invitations with their category mentioned on the covers, seemingly certain political sections are attempting revive the caste system in Jammu. In this piece, a Jammu scholar Mrs Deepika Sharma has detailed the historic reforms to do away with the system

A view of the existing cremation shed, with the new ‘upper caste’ shed coming up in the background. Photo: The Wire

The Hindu society had been divided into the caste and sub-castes based on type of work and birth. The fourth caste, Shudras, began to be maltreated by the interested people to dominate them for their selfish interests. This treatment of superiority created the “inferior class” who adopted the menial professions to serve their feudalist masters. Afterwards they began to be called and treated as “untouchables”.

The untouchables were condemned to permanent social degeneration, denied elementary civic rights and excluded from all public places. The castes which were treated as untouchables in the State of Jammu and Kashmir included Megh, Doom, Chamiar , Chura, Watal, Batwal, Ratal, Saryara,Jolaha, Koli, Barwala, Basith, Mussali, Halalkor, Dhyar, Gardi, Nochi, Bawaria, Bazigar and Ghrit.

None of the untouchables was allowed to enter the courtyard of a Hindu temple and they lived outside the city or village. Moreover, they had to give warning of their approach to or keep out of the way of the high class Hindus. They could not sit on the charpai in front of high caste people and could not burn their dead bodies in the cremation ground of high caste Hindus. The extent of this discriminatory attitude could be found in the educational institutions where a Rajput or Brahman boy objected to sitting beside a Chamiar or Megh student. Thus there was one separate school for the education of depressed classes in Jammu. Only 1.5 percent of the population of this community was literate in the whole state as late as in 1941.

In comparison to the Jammu Province no lower classes existed in Kashmir. Among the Buddhists of Ladakh, no distinction of this kind was recognised. Not only did they inter-marry and eat freely with all the classes among themselves, but they did so with the Musalmans also. However, in the northern provinces of Ladakh, numerous clans called Boni, which included all the dancing women, and their attendant musicians, all smiths, carpenters and in fact handicrafts men of every kind were regarded as low. (Census of India, 1891)

During the period of the rule of Maharaja Gulab Singh, the low caste Meghs, Dums, Dhyars etc. were not recognised as Hindus at all, and were kept to do all the filthy jobs like the sweeping and work of a similar kind. Some of them earned a scanty living by such employment as brick making and charcoal burning. Besides, they were liable to be called upon at any time by the authorities for work that no others would do. As a result of this, they were rendered utterly unclean and anything they touched was considered to be polluted.

As already said, in Jammu province where the Hindu element predominated, the social system had perfected the dominated, the social system had perfected the domination of the Rajputs and the priestly class. Here the depressed classes were subjected to humiliating treatment by the high caste Hindus in almost every field. (See Jyoteeshwar Pathik, Cultural Heritage of the Dogras). There were a number of wells in the Jammu city, but the untouchables were not permitted to draw water from the wells or tanks. They had their own wells and tanks to take water from. Having been debarred from free social intercourse and denied the basic civic human rights, the depressed classes were forced to live a poor precarious and isolated existence. Attempts had been made in the past by social and religious reformers like Buddha, Guru Nanak, Kabir and others to annihilate all such distinctions between man and man by admitting freely into their fold, member of all communities. But, the myopia of the higher castes did not yield to this treatment in the past, and it was in the later half of the 20th century, politicians and the social reformers laboured hard to bring about changes in the status of untouchability in India.

So far as the State of Jammu and Kashmir was concerned, Maharaja Gulab Singh tried to improve the position of lower castes by engaging some hundred of them as sepoys for the work of sappering and mining. This step, says Frederic Drew, acquired some consideration. In turn, these people behaved bravely in time of war so as to gain respect and to show that in courage they were equal with the higher castes, and in endurance they could surpass them. Nothing more substantial was, however, done by the government to provide these classes with those basic social rights which were due to all human beings. In fact, no significant step was taken by Gulab Singh to raise these depressed classes from their fallen conditions.

The question of untouchability first attracted the attention of Maharaja Ranbir Singh. He called upon the Pandits of Kashi to examine the shastras and pronounce upon it. His sympathies were partially with those who advocated the re-admission of those who had left Hinduism or had been turned out of it for one reason or the other (Rajendra Singh Vatsa, The Depressed Classes of India). As the result of the researches made under the orders of the Maharaja, a book called Ranbir Prakash was published, which collected all the authorities in support of the re-admission of the outcastes to Hinduism. But the Arya Samajists associated with the cause of the removal of untouchability argued that it was a corollary of the position conceded by the Pandits of Kashi at the instance of Maharaja Ranbir Singh that the outcastes and others similarly situated depressed classes should have chances of bettering their position and rising in the social scale.

In spite of the pronouncement made by the Pandits of Kashi, no follow up action was taken by the government to give practical shape to the purposed reform. However, Maharaja Ranbir Singh admitted the students of the fourth caste – the Shudras, in his Pathshala system to study scriptures and other knowledge, including that of science, in the company of other students. This measure should not be taken as the admittance of all depressed classes to the state schools. The Dogra Saddar committee urged Pratap Singh on behalf of depressed classes, particularly, the Meghs, to provide education chiefly of industrial nature. Such measure, the committee added, would bring laurels for the Maharaja‟s government. The committee in fact asked the Maharaja to establish a primary school for them for teaching of 3 R’s with arrangement for training in some industrial work. Pratap Singh expressed his approval of starting such a school for the Meghs. He issued formal orders for the opening of the school as demanded by the Dogra Saddar Committee only after he obtained from the Education Minister, Dr A Mitra, a definite commitment that “a little education of the elementary kind given to such depressed classes will certainly not entitle them to be freed from such social ostracism by which they are debarred from privileges of higher classes. They can, therefore, never hope of being employed as clerks or munshis”. He also told the Maharaja that the education that would be given to them would be of primary nature which would enable them to carry on their avocation of life in an intelligent manner. After much hesitation Pratap Singh ordered setting up of an industrial school for Meghs in Jammu.

From nineteenth century onwards, movement for the elevation of depressed classes was gaining strength in British India.

The Brahmo Samaj and Arya Samaj had adopted the amelioration of the lot of depressed classes as one of their most important planks. Both these organisations had advocated reforms of most revolutionary character in social field. They denounced child marriage, encourage widow re-marriage etc. Both regarded untouchability as double ill of our society as it created inequality and divided people. In order to fight the evil of untouchability, the Arya Samajists made vigorous efforts to reclaim the converts back into Hinduism and enlist untouchables as higher caste Hindus thereby trying to restore equilibrium in the Hindu society (see The Tribune, Lahore, Feb, 15, 1911).

Such an attempt was made by the Arya Samajists of Punjab. Profoundly influenced by the reclamation centres of the Punjab, a section of the people established a branch of Arya Samaj in Jammu in 1902. Moreover, a large number of depressed classes like Meghs, Dooms, Chamiars were deeply moved by the ideologies of the Samaj. The other two organisations which were active in Jammu city in this regard and gained much success were the Arya Samaj of Purani Mandi and the Arya Samaj, Dayanand Marg. During 1911-1921, these organisations were working actively in the Jammu District, especially in its tehsil of Ranbir Singhpura, in proselytizing low castes (see Census of India, 1921).

The Arya Samajists were also engaged in imparting education to the pupils of the depressed classes. It started primary schools for boys and girls of depressed class at Jammu, Akhnoor and Chhamb. In these school, student belonging to all castes were admitted. Outside the Arya Samaj, nothing much was done for their cause, expect a few newspapers, including , The Ranbir, voiced the concern of the depressed classes and advocated the abolition of untouchability.

Nevertheless, these oppressed classes were still denied the basic civil amenities and other rights till as late as 1930.

Gulab Singh, Pratap Singh, Ranbir Singh and Hari Singh

Having been debarred from free social intercourse and denied the basic civic human rights, the depressed classes were forced to live a poor precarious and isolated existence. Attempts had been made in the past by social and religious reformers in India but the high caste Hindus were there to oppose all such reforms that sought to break the wall between the caste Hindus and the downtrodden (see Census of India, 1931). It was no wonder then that the task of removing untouchability from the society had to be taken up in the right earnest by persons like Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Swami Dayanand Saraswati, Swami Viveka Nanda, Mahatma Phuley, B R Ambedkar and Mahatma Gandhi. There was a strong movement for the abolition of untouchability in the Jammu region and the most significant bodies were the Arya Samaj and the Christian Missionaries.

The greatest stimulus to the movement had emanated from Mahatma Gandhi, who projected this social evil as a blot on our face and aroused the public opinion against it to such extent that the cause of reforms had gained in months what perhaps it might have taken years to accomplish. Gandhi called untouchables the Harijans or the children of God.

Under the influence of Arya Samaj movement, however, the condition of depressed classes improved to a considerable extent. Apart from the efforts of the reform bodies in uplifting their fallen brethren, the depressed classes themselves also realized their fallen condition and demanded the basic human rights from the government. They submitted for the first time a representation to Maharaja Hari Singh in 1932 in which they requested him that a law should be enacted to remove the curse of untouchability, social inequalities and religious disabilities and demanded equal status and opportunities in all departments and professions. Besides this, they demanded share in Government services, liberal scholarships to students of depressed classes and permission to use wells and tanks and enter temples.

Hari Singh himself was against all kinds of disabilities. He was one of the very few Indian rulers who took steps for the amelioration of the lot of the depressed classes. He was in full accord with the demands put forth by the memorialists. He issued orders declaring that “every community should have a fair representation in Government services”. Accordingly instructions were issued to all the ministers and the civil services recruitment board that no discrimination should be made between man and man on the ground of caste or creed.

The first major step that he took in this regard was in 1931 when orders were passed for throwing open all public educational institutions and well to the untouchables. An announcement was made to the effect that the ban on the entry of the depressed classes into public services and places be removed.

Teachers in government schools were ordered not to raise any objection to teach children of the depressed classes along with the boys of the other castes and to extend them equal teaching facilities, including those of board and lodging.

Special scholarships were sanctioned for the student of these communities. The amount provided for the special scholarship in the budget per annum from 1932 to 1938 was Rs 6,400 in addition to Rs 960 allotted by the Dharmarth Department. In spite of the best efforts on the part of Government, this community remained illiterate. This fact becomes amply clear when we find that there were only three and two Harijan students in the Prince of Wales College during 1936-37 and 1938-39 respectively.

However, it cannot be denied that the measures that were being contemplated in British India for the amelioration of the lot of the depressed classes were also contemplated in the State to achieve the same objective. But the most difficult problem the Maharaja had to face was with regard to temple entry for the untouchables as he apprehended bitter opposition of orthodox priesthood to a decision to this effect. Thus, the Maharaja, in October 31, 1932, issued a proclamation “throwing open all the State temples to the depressed classes for Darshan and prayers”. However, this proclamation was openly opposed by a section of priestly class and the Head Pujari of Shri Raghunath temple in Jammu.

In fact, in protest, the head Pujari resigned from his office. Maharaja, who had a special regard for him as he was his family priest, tried to dissuade him from resigning but the Head Pujari persisted in his refusal. Ultimately, Hari Singh determined as he was to remove this particular inequality accepted his resignation. This decision of Hari Singh earned for him the unprecedented credit of being the first ruler in India to take such a bold step for the emancipation of the depressed classes, even before Mahatma Gandhi had launched his Harijan movement in British India. Though not satisfied with the mere removal of social handicaps from which the untouchables suffered, material support in the form of scholarship were granted to Harijan students which increased in 1944 from Rs 6000 to 10,000 per year. Besides, the Government issued orders for giving preferential treatment to the children of the depressed classes for recruitment to various state services.

Seats were also reserved for their representatives in the local bodies as well as in the State legislature, called Praja Sabha.

These orders were given effect to when a Megh named Ram Rakha Mal, was nominated to the Praja Sabha. Thus we find that the common disabilities from which this community had been suffering since time immemorial were abolished legally, and, henceforth, schools, temples, wells, were thrown open to them. In practice, it was believed that some of the disabilities still persisted though in a much less prominent form.

With a view to removing such disabilities, Hari Singh proclaimed untouchability to be an offence in 1940. As untouchability was retarding the progress and welfare of the Harijan community, a regulation, called the Removal of Untouchability of Harijan Act of 1940, was passed by the State Government. The act provided that “any person who avoids physical contact with Harijans or shows hate and contempt to him or regards him a low breed, talks contemptuously of him thereby causing him injury shall be punished with imprisonment which may extend to one hundred rupees or with both”. The offence under this act was non-cognizable, bailable with the permission of the court and compoundable and triable by any magistrate (see J&K Assembly Debates, Vol V, October 23, 1940). It is thus clear that during the decade 1930-40, the lot of untouchables improved partly by the activities of various socio-religious reform societies and partly by Government’s endeavours which brought forth various legislations to abolish the stigma of untouchability from our society. Thus, as in case of other social evils, this evil also gradually lessened with the advancement of modern times and enlightenment of masses.

(This copy was excerpted from Vol 2, Issue 4 of International Journal of Novel Research in Humanity and Social Sciences, July – August 2015.)

Not In Good Faith

$
0
0

The ground zero debates dominating the spaces of faith and belief indicate divisions and sub-divisions of a society that was considered homogeneous, reports Muhammad Younis

People offering prayers in Shopian during a cordon and search operation in 2012 summer. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

Early this year, in a Pulwama village, the people had thronged a local mosque for the Friday congregation. Before the Imam would deliver his sermon, almost half of the mosque was already full. As he went on, more people turned up to occupy the rest.

The Imam had a gracious start. It was barely quarter of an hour later that his voice began to rise. Clenching his fists in fury, he shouted many times, “do they want to pinpoint flaws. Let me count them a sea from their books.” Because there were loudspeakers all over, the whole mosque reverberated to annoyance. And until the end, the voice of the Imam didn’t restore to its prior condition.

The Imam, affiliated with Jamiat Ahl-Hadith, was referring to his Hanafi counterpart. In the course of the time of his heated reaction to what his counterpart had earlier said, the Imam could not spare time to even explain fully the verse from the Quran with which he had started his sermon.

When the prayers concluded, a person from the audience waited until the mosque was empty, save Imam, and a couple of caretakers of the mosque. “You shouldn’t talk like this in the mosque. You are meant to bridge the gaps and not the other way round,” he tried to counsel the Imam. “If a learned person like you speaks in such a manner, what can we expect from others?”

Caught on the wrong foot, the Imam blamed the other sect for his behaviour. Although he eventually got convinced for his “negative” contribution, the “harm was already done.”

Muslims offer Zuhr prayers in Srinagar during 2016 unrest on road

Research has fairly established that Islam made inroads in Kashmir in 12th and 13th century. At various points in time before, Buddhism, Hinduism and Animistic type religions prevailed here. Kashmir’s formal transition to Islam started with the conversion of Buddhist prince Rinchana in 1320 and completed during early Sultanate period. But still, the Kashmiri “maintained” the impressions of past religions while assimilating new religious beliefs of Islam.

“The tradition of syncretism always got carried into the culture of Kashmiri people,” said Ashraf Wani, former professor of history at the University of Kashmir, who mostly worked on the topic Islam in Kashmir. “And then, as Islam didn’t land here directly from the place of its birth, it retained many other things from the cultures it travelled through.”

The 2011 census counted 1.25 crore people across J&K, of whom about 68.3 percent are Muslims. In Kashmir 97 percent population is Muslims. Then there are sects. Prominent are Shia, Sunni. Then there are various sections within the sects: Deobandi, Barealvi, Zaidi, Jafferi, Hanafi, Maliki and Hanbali.

Like that Friday congregation, almost every day, there are videos going viral on social media sites wherein the Imams of different sects are seen casting aspersions on one another, and at certain occasions, the verbal duel ends into exchanging fists.

“Discussions and debates have always been part of the history of Islamic mythology,” said Dr Nazar Ul Islam, an assistant professor of Islamic Studies at Boys College Islamabad. His doctoral research has been about Religion in the perspective of clash and dialogue theories, and Response to the theory of the clash of civilisations. “Difference of interpretations is good, as it signifies the elasticity of Islam.”

But, Nazar says, the problem crops up when people of certain sect try a fascist imposition of their belief on others. “In contemporary Kashmir society, the whole issue has taken a dangerous hue. While Islam asks for unity among its adherents, it is other way round. People are thrown out of mosques for doing certain things like Rafuladeen, and these people, in turn, establish new mosques. At certain places, you even get to see, the mosques being bifurcated on trivial issues.”

Religious sectarianism is historical, and was always “politically fed”. The rivalries between two top Islamic countries like Iran and Saudi Arabia, Nazar says is always a matter of debate among the followers of different sects in Kashmir. “Whatever the doing of these countries are, it has geopolitical motivations, and religion is used a mere tool in it.”

Professor Wani is of the belief that the issue fuelling rivalry among Muslims is an international phenomenon, and the anti-Muslims agencies never want the particular religion to restore its state of the medieval era when it was ruling a major part of the world. “To break that stature of Islam, narratives of nationalism, ethnicity, geography, culture, and sect were and are being continuously propagated, which cause a division among Muslims,” Wani said.

And in conflict places like Kashmir, “the state has a major part in meddling with religion as well. It uses religion for its own benefit. By patronizing certain religious figures, it creates a counter-narrative against those who dissent.”

Pertinent to say, Kashmir might be the only place wherein 1979, Holy Quran was burnt by Muslims because they got swayed by a narrative that these books were not the true Quran.

A KL file Image

According to Nazar’s recent research paper Religious Understanding Among the Youth of Kashmir Province- An overview, published by Localities Journal of Korea, there were attempts in the previous centuries also to carve out the religious impressions of the past faiths on the form of Islam Muslims in Kashmir were practising.

“When Mir Shamsuddin Iraqi made efforts of reformation, it invited trouble and he had to leave Kashmir,” Nazar writes in the paper. “Later, when Hussain Bakhtu tried, he was exiled by Maharaja.”

Nazar also brings forth the “fear dimension” of it. He says a fear of being overcome is found among the adherents of different sects here. “If they are sincere followers of the religion, they wouldn’t give priority to our own benefits.”

Zubair Ahmad, who has done bachelors in Islamic Jurisprudence from the Medina University of Saudi Arabia and Masters in Arabic from Kashmir University, says that there have always been differences of opinions about certain issues quite early in Islamic history. “The practice of searching answers for each of our differences from the Quran and the authentic Hadith is the only way forward to tackle the differences,” he said.

And, according to him, the important thing is to understand the Islamic scriptures as the disciples of the prophet have understood, and not according to our own whims, which is the main reason of conflict. “How the disciples of the Prophet understood Islam is recorded and it is the guiding principle for all of us.”

While supporting the idea of discussion Nazar says, continuous civilised interactions between people of different sects of the religion should encourage us to find a “meeting point”, an agreement to respect and tolerate each other, but Prof Wani regrets that the “spirit of Islam – the unity” is missing in these debates. “These discussions have just become a tool to subdue others,” he said.

In Kashmiri society where almost everyone is of the belief that political parties have shattered the fabric of the society by pitting one against the other, Nazar believes that religion remains a potent force to do the opposite.
Religion has a quality of “mass mobilisation” at par with politics. “If the top religious figures of the valley wish they can make religion a unifying force for the sake of common good, peace and progress instead of turning it into a dividing force causing hate and destruction.”

Taking Quran to Dogras’

$
0
0

Amid tensions across J&K, there is one great development: the Quran is finally having a Dogri translation and it will be out this summer. Javid Mukhdoomi, the former Kashmir Police Chief, offers details of the translator and her tryst with the Muslim holy book

An aerial view of the Wazarat road, Jammu. KL Image: Masood Hussain

Since the seventh century when the first chapter of the Quran, the Surah Fateh was translated into Persian, taking the holy Muslim book to non-Arab populations has been a continuous process. In the last 1300 years, the Quran has been translated into almost all major spoken languages of the world. Certain languages have multiple translations, transliterations and the interpretations, the Tafsirs. Open source information suggests that there are more than 115 translations of the Quran right now in the market.

Circa 2018, is going to be exceptional. By this summer, the Holy Quran will be available to a vast population in Dogri. It is currently being printed and will take a few months more. In fact, the Para Am, the last of the 30 Juz, was already in the market and now the entire Quran will be in Dogri.

This translation is the outcome of Rajouri based Shah Hamdan Society. Ms Azra Choudhary has translated it. It has been a completely different experience for Azra. It has taken her last five years and she had to follow a strict routine that befits a believer and an academic in ensuring a flawless exercise.

The project came to Azra in interesting circumstances. A few years back, Azra came into contact with Abdul Qayum Nadvi, Principal of a school in Rajouri, through Mrs Shamima Nadvi, daughter of legendary singer and poet Janbaaz Kishtwari. Shamima and Azra were colleagues in the Jammu and Kashmir Academy of Art, Culture, and Languages. Nadvi asked Azra to translate Holy Quran into Dogri given her knowledge of the language. Both Mrs and Mr Nadvi are members of the Shah Hamdan Society that Farooq Muztar has founded.

Initially, Azra was reluctant. Traversing through turbulence’s and tribulations throughout her life had impaired her confidence. After consistent insistence, Azra agreed to translate the Holy Quran into Dogri language.

Azra has done masters in Hindi and Dogri and led the Dogri section of the Academy, a position she retired from. She told me that the manuscript has been handed over to printers and it will be available by summer.

Having the Quran in Dogri is a great development indeed. But it is also important to know who the translator is. But to understand Azra, we will have to know Razia first.

Razia was the daughter of Choudhry Abdullah Khan, a landlord of Chak Jaffer in Jammu’s R S Pora belt. Khan, her father, had remained a member of Praja Sabha, Maharaja’s assembly, and wielded considerable influence in the area.

Razia, whom 1947 devastated literally

A year before the communal rioting and massacres in 1947, Razia was married in 1946 to Choudhry Ghulam Ahmad of Darsopur, in Miran Sahib. While disastrous communal riots were spreading in Jammu and elsewhere, Razia’s husband like other villagers, shifted women folk for safety to a nearby glass factory run by his Hindu friend. During the fateful first week of November 1947, a strong mob of marauders armed with swords, bamboo sticks, iron rods and other implements raided the village and went into a spree of killing, looting, and rape. In the melee, most of the males were killed.

The women who had taken refuge in the glass factory got distributed amongst the marauders and killers like a bounty. Razia was told that her entire family has been wiped out. Razia had seen Muslim folk getting killed from a distance while she hid in a glass factory. She was too innocent and naive to take a decision and haplessly waited. She did not know that some of her family members including her husband had miraculously survived.

Ultimately she was taken as bounty by one Balwan Singh, a resident of Thub village in Jammu’s Gao-Manasa belt. He took Razia to Punjab where they lived at different locations including Amritsar, Ludhiana, Jallandhar, Ambala and other places. Balwan Singh used to visit his village in Jammu, not too often, and collect meagre money to supplement his income by doing small jobs in Punjab.

In 1965 Balwan Singh had come to his village on a routine visit and died as he had turned alcoholic. In between 1947 and 1965, Razia had given birth to a son, Karan Singh, and two daughters, Reva Rani and Anju.

Knowing the roots of Singh, they moved to village Thub, Gao Manasa village. Razia was not accepted by Balwan Singh’s family. The family, however, was given shelter by Bhishamber Das Sharma, a patwari, basically a friend of Balwan Singh. He had an unoccupied room in his ancestral property near New Plot, Jammu.

Razia was keen in educating her children but poverty was the main impediment. She took up a small time job, stitching, and tailoring. Her son attained adulthood and got employment in GREF in North East. In 1969-70, plots were being allotted on Nazool land in Nanak Nagar and New Plot areas, by the state government.

In December 1974, Razia visited Tehsil office Jammu in connection with some revenue matter. She dramatically met her ex-husband’s sister, also her cousin, a resident of Dalpatian, Jammu. They met, embraced each other and wept bitterly. For the first time, she came to know that some of her close relations including her mother-in-law had survived the traumatic situation in 1947 and are living in Dalpatian, Jammu.

It took a bit of time for the families to reunite. They started regularly visiting her New Plot home. Then, Riva Rani was studying in part 2.

Later that year, on the occasion of Eid-ul-Azha, Razia’s family shifted to Dalpatian and never went back. Razia was told that her mother’s relations had migrated to Pakistan and are happily living there. Razia’s eight sisters had taken refuge in Sialkot and were settled in Pakistan. Some members of her in-law’s side had returned to their village in Jammu, she was informed.

Razia’s ex-husband Choudhry Ghulam Ahmed, a graduate of 1947, had miraculously survived and crossed over to Sialkot. After few years, when the dust had settled down, he returned to his village. After getting no trace of Razia, he married another woman. He never took a government job and was looking after his ancestral land holdings. Ultimately he died in 2010 at Darsopur, his ancestral village in Miran Sahib.

Azra Choudhary

In Dalpatian, conversion from Hinduism to Islam was a challenge in 1974. But the family did it. Her son continued to be Karan Singh but Anju became Zarina and Reva, the eldest, became Azra. Soon, Azra started learning the Holy Quran, understood Nimaz, the Muslim prayers, from a local Molvi.

Accompanying her younger daughter Zarina, Razia went to Pakistan on a visit on April 29, 1979, and never looked back. Azra could not get a passport as in her school records she continued to be Reva Rani. It became possible only after her marriage with one Salamatullah in 1979, who has retired from Sports Council, Jammu. She ultimately died in Sialkot in September 1999. But a few years before her death Razia married Zarina with Assad, her brother’s son, in Pakistan. Zarina and Assad now live in the USA.

Azra stayed in Jammu. She did her graduation in 1976, MA (Hindi) in 1978, B Ed in 1985 and MA (Dogri) in 1987. She joined Education Department as a teacher in 1985. Soon, she got selected on merit as Research Assistant in Dogri Dictionary Section of Jammu and Kashmir Academy of Culture and Languages in 1992. She retired in February 2017 as Chief Editor, Dictionary Section.

This year, Azra will be part of Islam’s global history. She will be credited for adding one more language to the long list of translations of the God’s own word, the Quran.

(I am thankful to Azra for narrating her story to me with courage and confidence.)

Islam’s First Kashmir Address

$
0
0

Islam existed in Kashmir even 200 years before Kalhana wrote his Rajatarangni. But the immigrants who would come as mercenaries and traders would mostly restrict to an area that was designated for the low-castes, the Mleccha’s. It was only after Zulchu’s devastation and Rinchana’s conversion that Mlecch Mar got a dignified profile, a status that Saima Bhat found lost in the twenty-first century

This mosque is dedicated to Bul Bul Shah, the oldest preacher of Islam in Kashmir. KL Image Bilal Bahadur

Bashir Ahmad Misger, an octogenarian, is the oldest surviving resident of Mlecch Mar, an old city locality bordering Aali Kadal. Abandoned by his lone son, he is managing his two ends meal for himself and his wife with great difficulty. But the economic crisis does not devour his pride of being the senior-most resident of Mlecch Mar, Islam’s first address in Kashmir.

“You know this area is my identity,” Misgar said. “We are among the people who first embraced Islam even before there was mass conversion when Hazrat Ameer Kabir Mir Syed Ali Hamadani came to Kashmir. I am talking about the seventh century.” And to vindicate himself, he refers to the oldest one-room Masjid in his locality known as Rinchen Shah’s Masjid.

Rinchan Shah, actually Lhachan Gualbu Rinchana, was a Buddhist prince from China, who became an iconic game-changer for Kashmir purely because of his opportunism. Son of reigning Ladakh king, he revolted against his uncle, was defeated and fled to Kashmir, along with his soldiers.

Then, Kashmir was ruled by king Ramachandra. The valley was coming to terms with itself after it was devastated by Zulchu. Rinchanna sent soldiers in the guise of travellers to the king’s fort and took him his guards by surprise and ascended to the throne. He later married his daughter Kota Rani.

Zareef Ahmad Zareef, Kashmir’s popular raconteur and satirist says that Rinchin knew that no faith was permanent in Kashmir. So he started searching for a new religion.

“One night he decided the person he will see next morning, he will embrace his religion. And next morning they woke up to the Azan by a saint, Sufi scholar Bul Bul Shah, whose real name was Syed Abdul Rehman Shah, in Sehyaar, on the shoals of river Jhelum, where he had converted a room into Masjid for prayers. And the king asked his men to call him to his palace. After discussions and lectures, the king Rinchen Shah embraced Islam along with his 10,000 courtiers. The King was given the name of Sultan Sadruddin.”

This might have been the first such instance in which Islam got an official sanction and made its way into the governance structure of the place. The larger reality is that Islam predated this incident and existed in Mlecch Mar, much earlier.

There are clear evidences of the existence of Islam in Kashmir almost four centuries ahead of the formation of Sultanate by Shahmiris. Ksemandra, Kashmir’s famous polymath of the eleventh century has made a “casual but intriguing” reference to the existence of Mleccha gayanah, the Muslim singers. Two centuries later when Kalhana penned his Rajatarangni, he has elaborately mentioned the presence of Mlecch soldiers in the armies of various kings. The oldest copy of locally calligraphed Quran dates back to 1237. Even Marco Polo traced the Muslims in Kashmir in 1260.

Smallest and the oldest mosque in Srinagar’s Ali Kadal. Itis not open for prayers.

Kashmir has changed from Buddhism to Hinduism and finally to Islam. Botyaar and Bodgheer, in the old city, are considered to be the oldest Buddhist habitations in Kashmir. These two localities are said to have stayed Buddhist even after Hinduism flourished in Kashmir.

Brahmins were influential, wealthy and elite. They actually ruled Kashmir. As the number of Muslims increased – they were mostly immigrants working as professional soldiers and the mercenaries, the elite Brahmins seemingly have, during Hindu rule, sought a separate place to the converted Hindus, the Mlecch’s. They got a location somewhere between Botyaar and Bodhgeer. The Brahmins started calling this locality, the  ‘Mlaeech Mar’.

Mlaeech Mar

Mlecch is Sanskrit word. It means impure. Most of the Sanskrit literature has referred to medieval era Muslims with this word. The ‘elite Brahmins’ were separated from Mlecch Mar by the main road of present-day Aali Kadal. But the divider vanished after the Muslim rule, during which mass conversions took place. The remaining Buddhist monks in the belt went back to Tibet and China. As this separate locality was in place, it got the first praying space, the single room mosque that Sultan Sadruddhin constructed. This Masjid still exists.

So whoever would come to Kashmir, if he was a Muslim, Mlecch Mar was the address.

Misger, who dropped from his middle school to become a coppersmith for raising his family, says the area’s demography has changed over the years. “There was a time when all politically influential people belonged to this area and now the people who live here do not even belong to the lower middle class. Earlier, this entire belt was educated but now the profile has changed.”

After 1947, Zareef said, India’s first Prime Minister, Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru, took along many Pandits like DP Dhar, PN Koul, to Delhi where they worked for him.  Most of them belonged to this area. This migration continued for a long time. Initially, nine Pandit colonies were built for them and now there are many more, he said

In Zareef’s childhood days in Aali Kadal, the belt was an address of the elites: Muhammad Abdullah Tibet Bakaal, Muhammad Amin Gurkhoo, Nand Lal Talib (Persian poet), Raam Sudhir, who owned 900 houses in old city, Moti Lal Misri, broadcaster Ashok Jailkhani, Moti Lal Khazanchi, Bansi Lal Koul (Assistant registrar KU), historian Anand Koul Bamzia, and many newspapers owners. Since Mughal era, Mufti Bashiruddin’s ancestors migrated to Kashmir and settled in Mlecch Mar.

Mufti BashirudDin said the locality was the first place that had embraced Islam so his ancestors preferred to settle there during the reign of Aurangzeb Alamgir.

“After we settled, we build first Islamic Shariat Court in 992 Hijri. It was a full compound including the Court and Masjid spread over six kanals of land. When it started functioning the first chief justice was made Justice Shahmiri,” Bashiruddin said. “There was no Supreme Court or a High Court then. After that era, Maharaja built a court but for Muslims, it was mandatory to get the decisions approved by Shariat court.”

Almost forty years back, Mufti’s family shifted to Soura along with their family court. He remembers his father saying him all the influential people, important in different courts of all rulers, belonged to Mlecch Mar.

Abdul Rashid Ashia, 65, a resident of Batyaar, is living there for last six generations. Since his childhood, he says only a few Muslims were living in the area and rest of the residents were Pandits. “Twice resident of Mlecch Mar changed. First was during king Rinchin Shah and then in 1990’s when Kashmir was engulfed in militancy. Mostly artists and jewellers were living in this area,” Ashia said. “Muslim of the area shifted to other parts of Srinagar and Pandits shifted to Jammu. All the houses were bought by the helpers of Kashmiri chef’s (Wazaa) living in a nearby area.”

In the entire locality, however, there is one Pandit who stayed back. Ramesh Kumar Tickoo, 52, a private school teacher, remains busy either with his school or at a local Hindu shrine, Reshi Peer Shrine, where he is a caretaker.

Mufti Bashir

Mufti Bashir

Talking less, Tickoo is a proverbial reticent. He feels alien in his hometown. “Over the years our community has changed a lot,” Tickoo laments. “The communal harmony we had for centuries has changed because new people took over as the owners and masters of the area.”

Tickoo is an orphan. He was living with his grandparents in the three storey house that is almost in the middle of the locality from Botyar side. His parents passed away in 1966, in an aeroplane crash and then his grandparents also passed away. Tickoo has memories of his grandfather telling him that his home in Botyaar was once part of China. This is an old mystery and no historian has any answers.

“I have detached from the universe. I am alone,” Tickoo says while referring to his prostate cancer. His prostate was removed but his doctor told him that he can’t marry so he became a celibate. He takes care of the Hindu shrine in memory of Rishi Peer.

Rishi Peer, a resident of Botyar (born 1637), was a famous Hindu hermit of his era who was very popular with Mughal durbar as well. He died in Srinagar in 1697. The legend is that he used his Khraw, the wooden sandals, to crawl in his old age. One of the pairs of sandals was destroyed in Srinagar massive conflagration in 1672 when 2100 house was reduced to cinders. The other sandal was a relic that went missing in the 1990s when migration took place.

At the same time, however, Tickoo says he is shattered because the Pandits of his area took away the ‘Khraw’ of Hindu Sufi saint, Reshi peer that was the precious only thing in the Shrine. “After Pandit migrations in 90’s, they took away the most precious thing from this shrine because their income was based on this shrine. We just have a picture of that Khraw. More than Pandits, we have female Muslim visitors.”

The temple where the famous Mughal era Hindu saint Rishi Pir would pray. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

Mlecch Mar’s original inhabitants shifted from the area as their families extended and they could afford a better living. These included some names who are part of Kashmir history like Late Muhammad Sultan Khan, a close confide of late Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah and known for his vocals. Kashmir knew him as Sul Galwaan. His family shifted out in 1966, and the only reason was the family wanted to get rid of their past, the baggage of history.

Galwan’s eldest son, septuagenarian Abdul Salaam is unwell. He needs a support to walk but he says he vividly remembers the days when his father was arrested for being ‘daring’ and ‘vocal’.

His father was so close to Sheikh, Salaam said, that the government named the Rambagh Bridge in his name. When in jail, his family comprising his wife and six sons used to sleep empty stomach as they lacked any cushion.  Galwan had spent around 31 years in different jails. So the responsibilities automatically came to Salaam, an illiterate, who was working as a labourer in food and supplies department.

Salaam says only his father has the ‘honours’ of being arrested by all regimes: first by Dogra Maharaja and then by Sheikh Abdullah’s government also. He was arrested for raising his voice for black marketing in shali store. “He was a staunch supporter of Aazadi and Pakistan for Kashmir. That was the reason why even Sheikh Sahib’s government also arrested him but he was respected by late Mohiuddin Karra as well,” Salaam said.

For Salaam, the only pride possession are the memories of his father’s valour. Salaam remembers the day when his father was given the responsibility of getting a crowd for the first huge rally in KMD bus yard in Srinagar for National Conference.

“Maulana Masoodi was its general secretary and he had sent letters to all districts. My father was tasked to get as many people as he can get. So he raised a slogan: “we have to get Hari Singh’s head; seven bridges, seven tehsils have to be burnt down.’ Taking old city routes, it led to strong clashes between Hindus, traditional supporters of Hari Singh, and Muslims. The situation went out of control and when the news reached Sheikh Abdullah he was thinking of how to control the damage now, many people had gathering thinking that something big is going to happen, and since then the problems started between the Dogra Shahi and Sheikh Abdullah.” Salaam remembers no dates but the details.

The incident later reached court where judges asked the NC leadership about the issue and they got an imprisonment for two years including Sheikh Abdullah but when the Judge asked Galwaan why he shouted the wrong slogan, he dared him saying he was right and he got an imprisonment for 27 years. But just two years later in 1947, all of them were released.

In 1963, Salaam was terminated from his job for being the son of Galwaan and supporting Aazadi sentiment. And before dying, he had asked his family to come to his grave when “Kashmir’s geography changes.”

Salaam says after the government change in Kashmir, “Bakhshi sahib was all love for us because he knew my father was honest. He even offered me a government job but I was very much afraid of my father so I did not accept the offer,” Salaam said.

 The locality has changed totally and completely. Its business model, population and landmarks have shifted.

“I can’t tell you exactly how many households are in the area because it is one of the most congested areas of the city,” Tanveer Ahmad, a revenue officer of the area, said. “But most of the houses belong to migrants from Tulail, Gurez, and other far-flung areas.”

The area is mostly literate. Earlier there were just two schools, one government and another private Islamic school but now more private schools made their forays into the area.

The area also has four Masjids, and one more shrine of Owaisi Sahib, locally known as Woosi Sahib and an associated Jamia Masjid. The area has historical importance as the first bridge of old city, Aali Kadal was built over the river Jhelum in this area in1413-1420 by Sultan Ali Shah, the brother of Zainul Abiddin (Badshah).

This shrine was built in Zainul Abiddin’s regime. The Owaisi Sahab is quite a legend. It is said that he was invited to watch a cultural show of dance and music by Zain-ul-Abidin on the completion of Zaina Lank, a manmade Island in the Wulur Lake. The saint was perturbed to watch song and dance and in reaction, he jumped into the lake.

A frantic rescue failed to trace him. Dejected and heart-broken, the Sultan decided to return to Srinagar. During his upstream journey Zain-ul-Abidin, to his utter disbelief, spotted the saint near Asham, a place upstream of Wular, washing his Khirqah (dress of a religious mendicant) on the banks of river Jhelum.

After having expressed regret, the Sultan made him embark on the boat. The boat journey concluded at Aali Kadal where the Owaisi Sahib spent the rest of his life in devotion to Allah. He lays buried there.

The Aali Kadal bridge is a grand witness of Kashmir’s transition to Islam but in the last few decades, the ghats of the river that once presented serene look have now been taken over by the cloth washers. While it has deteriorated the serenity of the location, it offers the flip-side view of the changed times when rows of colourful clothes hang down for sun-drying.

The belt is at the centre of the heritage bowl of Srinagar. To the south of the bridge is the Mohalla Rehbab Sahib wherein lies the relics of Peer Dastageer Syed Abdul Qader Jeelani and the Sehyaar Masjid where according to the locals of the area Rinchen Shah, saw Bulbul Shah pronouncing Azaan for the first time in Kashmir.

(Heena Muzaffar contributed to the story.)

Sheikh-ul-Aalam: A Rediscovery

$
0
0

In last 500 years, most of the literature produced about the movement that Sheikh Nooruddin Noorani led in medieval Kashmir is shrouded in myths and miracles. Some new works have attempted rediscovering the Sheikh by linking his poetry to the era he lived and the challenges he faced. This must encourage more professional research on Kashmir history’s most reputed Muslim, reports Masood Hussain

The shrine of Sheikh Nooruddin Noorani at Chrar-e-Sharief. The shrine was reconstructed after it was destroyed in a protracted stand-off between army and the militants in 1995 summer. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

Immigrant Muslim preachers from Central Asia apart, there was a serious Dawah movement at the peak of Sultanate era that immensely contributed in Kashmir’s transition to Islam. It was led by none other than Sheikh Nooruddin Reshi. It worked in the vast space outside the Shehr-e-Kashmir, where from the rulers operated. Most of the top leaders of the immigrant preachers faced issues on account of language and culture and were mostly settled around the city.

But the narrative about the spread of Islam in Kashmir has, by and large, underplayed the indigenous movement. One key factor is that the persona of Sheikh has gradually evolved into that of a super-human around whom many super-natural stories were woven. His poetry was misinterpreted, wrongly projected and disconnected with the era he lived in or the incidents he reacted to. There is an immediate requirement of rediscovering the real Nund Reshi even after six centuries.

In the last few years, two individuals have marked the beginning of this process. Both residents of Chrar-e-Sharief, the town that was the last abode of the Sheikh, the two books have attempted rediscovering the Sheikh who passed through different stages of evolution as Kashmir’s top Islamic preacher and an unparalleled linguist and poet. Assadullah Afaaqi wrote his Hayat-e-Sheikh-ul-Aalam in 2014. Ghulam Nabi Adfar published his Hayat-e-Sheik: Abiyat-e-Sheikh Kay Aaienay Mein in 2017. Self-published, both the books are low in style but high in research. Unlike Adfar’s book, which is a long essay, Afaaqi has lot more to offer.

The books recreate the situation in which the Sheikh lived and explain his leadership and his protracted battle against the Hindu and Muslim clergy, the feudal lords, the immoral bureaucracy and the despotic ruling elite. Had any researcher consulted Sheikh’s poetry and linked it with the politics of the place, Kashmir Sultanate would not look so fascinating and especially Budshah’s towering status might have reduced a few notches, if not more. He described the reign of Sultan Ali Shah and Budshah as Vaunder Raj, a monkey rule. During Ali Shah’s reign, there were some restrictions imposed on Sheikh’s activities, according to Afaaqi. Sheikh has praises Sultan Sikander, instead.

The two books have deconstructed the Sheikh and taken him out of the mythical clouds that shrouded the great revolutionary for centuries together. Sheikh was just not a monk or a sage alone. He was a statesman who had an opinion, rather a strong opinion on the politics as well.

Phal Daer Travith Mal Daer Wouwum
Kal Boudh Khieneam Din Kyah Rath
Soun Rouf Travith Sartali Rouwum
Kartal Featrim The Gari Meas Dreat

(I am such a foolish guy who sowed dirt and not the grains and spent days and nights for this. I threw away gold and silver and started crying over the loss of brass. Alas, I broke my sword and created a sickle from it!)

While rediscovering the real Sheikh, the two books have attempted clearing certain misconceptions about the person. The key interventions include a serious attempt at evaluating the real year of birth because a lot many historians and hagiographers have given different dates.

Hayat-e-Sheikh-ul-Aalam book on life and works of Sufi saint Sheikh-ul-Aalam.

“After a lot of investigation, historical evidence and rational thinking, I have come to the conclusion that 757 AH (1356 AD) as mentioned by Hazrat Baba Dawood-e-Khaki as his year of birth and 842 AH as his year of demise is correct,” writes Afaaqi. “Because it is within this time frame all the events including his meetings with Lala Arifa, Amir-e-Kabeer, his thirty years of wandering, his meeting with Hazrat Mir Mohammad Hamdani in 814 AH and his arrests in the era of Ali Shah and Budshah fit.” It means Sheikh lived for 85 years and not 67 as most of the “records” tend to suggest.

One major attempt was aimed at establishing the larger reality that Sheikh had not a modest background and was well read because his parents could afford his good education. They have fairly re-created the entire trajectory of the family’s migration from Kishtwar and their employment with various feudal lords. While some of Sheikh’s relatives actually perished in the massacre that Dulchu resorted to during his destructive raid, his two uncles had somehow owned huge estates – one in Daderkote area of south Kashmir and another in Rupwan belt of central Kashmir.

The authors have used Sheikh’s poetry to explain his family background, his childhood and upbringing. One stanza even indicates that Sheikh had even visited a Sanskrit school too. Sheikh was a second generation Muslim and his father Salaruddin had embraced Islam at the hands of Syed Hussain Simnani in Kulgam, not far away from Kheh Jogipora, where the family lived. Simnani was a close relative of Amir-e-Kabir Mir Syed Ali Hamadani who came on an exploratory visit and settled in Kulgam, many years before the arrival of Saadaat hoards from central Asia.

At one point in time, his adversaries – the Muslim Mullas, the Hindu clergy and the government, attempted tarnishing his image by saying that in abject poverty he along with his brothers attempted thievery. It was in response to this that Sheikh has explained his family background, his knowledge and admitted that he was a “refugee” at the home of Pasban, a Sultanate era position of a village Chowkidaar, the same way, Pandav’s had taken refuge in a potters house. The Pasbaan’s house belonged to Sangram Ganai, his father’s father-in-law on whose death the family migrated from Kheh Jogipora to take care of two little orphans in Qaimoh.

The choice of a bride for Sheikh was also interesting. He married Zahida, at the age of 16 years, a resident of Dadsara (Tral), whose father was Akbaruddin and had two brothers Jamaluddin and Kamaluddin. Between Kheh and Dadsara is a long distance even now and seemingly his in-laws were a well-to-do family. They were blessed with Zoni, the daughter, and Haider, a son.

The two authors have attempted negating the popular story about Lala Arifa encouraging him to get suckled soon after his birth but lack sound arguments to negate the legend. Both of them, however, explain in detail the importance of the ascetic who preached monotheism, was more a priority of Muslim writers throughout and had left a profound impact on the life and evolution of Sheikh as a socio-religious leader. She was around 57 years elder to Sheikh. She was also a wanderer, hated clergy and preached basic puritanical philosophy. Most of the Muslim writers are strongly supporting the idea that she was very close to Islam even if she apparently was not a Muslim.

The first most dramatic development in Sheikh’s life was when he left this world and started shuttling between two caves near Qaimoh. The two books have retrieved the entire poetic exchanges – first between Sheikh and his mother Sadra Bibi, then between him and his sister, then between the couple and finally when Zahida gets both her kids and leaves them in the cave with their father. These exchanges are an incredibly rich part of Kashmiri literature.

Hayat-e-Sheikh book on life and works of Sufi saint Sheikh-ul-Aalam.

The biggest drop-scene of this stage of Sheikh’s life was the death of his children. Unlike Afaaqi Adfar insists the brother-sister died in the cave after Sheikh flung his blanket over them. “Sheikh has himself mentioned that he was of 25 years of age when he was accused (of killing his kids) and in anger, her (wife’s) brother’s petitioned the government and he was summoned,” Adfar writes, albeit without offering a source. “From Islamabad, Kotwal Tazi Bhat was sent for Sheikh’s arrest but when he reached his cave, he threw his uniform away and fell on his feet and became his follower.”

That event changed Zahiba Bibi as well. Since then, she started taking food to her husband in his cave, as and when he was there.

The next major development that transformed Sheikh was his meeting with Amir-e-Kabir Mir Syed Ali Hamadani, during his last visit to Kashmir. Afaaqi believes the meeting at Mattan took place in 786 AH (1384 AD) after which Sheikh spent almost half a year there.

This session has changed Sheikh completely and he started criticizing the very same thing he believed in till he met the Amir.

Aadneh Jungle Khasun Gayem Khami
Meh Zanou Yeh Tcheh Bead Ibadat
Wuchteh Yeh Aaeas Bead Badnami
Sareh Aes Kren Ikeah Kath

(Going to jungles was a mistake. I mistook the monasticism as a prayer but it was a big notoriety. I just had to explore one simple thing).

After his meeting with Amir, he was overwhelmed by the feeling of a family and said the forests are for the wildlife. His poetry suggests that he constructed a home as well. Afaaqi even insists that he mended fences with his wife and the follower Zahida Bibi buried in Chrar is actually his wife. The fact is that Sheikh’s meeting with the Amir marked the end of the escapism that dominated Kashmir’s Buddhist and Hindu period and had almost crept in at the very beginning of its conversion to Islam. This was despite the fact that in style, systems and interactions, the Muslim ascetics lacked any possible comparison with their Hindu and Buddhist counterparts.

Afaaqi believes that he has evidence that Mughal, after knowing the mass impact of Sheikh’s preaching on Kashmir society, identified almost 200 locations across Kashmir where Sheikh’s followers were buried. They gave them money and created a class that engaged people in grave-worship. The Reshi culture had actually made a return to Kashmir during Mughal era when, at one point of time, there were almost 12000 such ascetics who had renounced the world and were wandering in the forests. This “political corruption” stopped during the reign of Aurangzeb, however.

Soon Sheikh is busy creating one of the most elaborate systems for the preaching of Islam at Chrar-e-Sharief. With his strong argumentation, logic, oratory and knowledge, Sheikh led some of the biggest names of the era into Islam. The most notable was a Shivite scholar Bum Sadhu, operating from his Bumzu centre, who eventually became Baba Baamuddin, one of the most confidant’s of Sheikh. There was Jia Singh of Kishtwar who became Baba Zainuddin and Awat Rana of Madwan who became Baba Latifuddin, the famous Vedic scholar Kati Pandit who became Baba Qutubbidin. For most of Sheikh’s life, there was a vast network of his confidant’s who worked at designated places within the well-demarcated territories. The entire network was operating more like an organization.

Gutted shrine of Sheikh Noor ud Din, Chrar-e-sharief, in 1995.

Sheikh would take potshots on Hindu clergy based on common sense. “Shiva will not get you his attention by mere calling him. Why you throw so much ghee in the fire, eat it, it will give your energy. If you do not want to eat, give it to somebody who requires it,” one of his couplets says. “You use cow-dung to paste your kitchen walls. You drink cow urine. You love milk, curd and ghee. (But) when it comes to beef, you get scared. Why?” Sheikh was pained by the practice of aged Brahmins’ marrying young girls and then leaving them as young widows or forcing them to commit Sati. Budshah had lifted the ban on Sati and instead created a chain of buildings where the young Hindu widows would live in isolation.

All these activities triggered a bid for revenge by the Hindu clergy. Adfar talks about a serious bid on Sheikh’s life that was spearheaded by Srinagar based Brehman leader Taula Raina – apparently after Bum Sadhu converted. He led a gang of 1200 armed men that moved to Chrar-e-Sharief but it ended in a conversation and their conversion to Islam.

However, the celebrated event was when his antagonists wanted to honeytrap the Sheikh. It has been a medieval tradition practice in most of the subcontinent and was standardized by Kashmir Brahman clergy. They sent a damsel to his durbar. She was the most famous dancer of her time. She fell to his knowledge and character, converted and is known as Hazrat Shang Bibi in Kashmir’s Islamic history. Interestingly, the Sheikh wrote a gazal, Yawan Metch, addressed to this damsel detailing her character and the costs her actions would entail in the life hereafter. This particular composition is completely different from the entire poetry of Sheikh.

Post conversion, Shangh Bibi was part of Sheikh’s female followers and operated in a formal centre at Zalsu. These included Sham Bibi, a resident of Beerwa, whom Afaaqi terms as Kashmir’s first Marsiya Nigar women poet. Her elegy of Sheikh is the only detailed description of how the Sheikh looked like. Dehat Bibi and Behat Bibi were the two teachers of the centre.

Sheikh remained highly critical of the Brahmin, the Muslim clergy including the Mulla, the Syed and the Sofi, throughout. He traced their failure to their greed for resource and power and identified their weaknesses in keeping the mosque and temple happy. He was highly critical of the exploitative systems in place that would deprive the peasantry of their hard-earned harvest and the duplicity that was the order of the day.

Kashmir’s standard-bearer saint disliked the traditional Mulla so much that he adopted a dress that was common in the peasantry. Sheikh was never been seen with a turban. He used a Sozni bordered cloth on his head, always carried a walking stick, and had a dense flowing grey beard and long hair. He would usually wear a Pheran, and had Khraw, the wooden sandals, as his footwear. There has never been a mention of a rosary in his hands. He would eat modestly. Records including his own poetry suggest that he had a lot of green vegetables including the forest vegetables, cereals and meat throughout his life.

A good chunk of his poetry is about the neo-Muslim who had not converted by heart. He talks about the fake converts who would line up in the mosques but at whose homes their women would lay prostrate before the idols. By and large, he was referring to a huge chunk of neo-converts as Munafiqeen, a sort of religious hypocrites, who outwardly practices Islam and inwardly concealing their disbelief.

Asadullah Afaaqi

His commentary and the style on the sad state of affairs made people with power against him at all levels. Since the entire power elite was restricted to Srinagar, Sheikh would avoid the city. In his entire life, Adfar writes, he has spent only six months in Mukhta Pakhri in Srinagar. There was a conspiracy to even murder him using palace intrigue but somehow Budshah understood the plot much faster than his advisers thought. The immigrant preachers, some of whom had managed connections in the ruling elite, were increasingly becoming an extension of the power elite were very unhappy with him because he would tell them their Iman was knee-deep and half-baked.

Afaaqi has strongly criticized the Sultans for restricting Sheikh’s activities. They have found no evidence that Budshah attended his funeral though it has been one of the huge funerals of the medieval Kashmir.

During Ali Shah reign (1389-1413 AD), according to Afaaqi, Sheikh strongly reacted to the high-handedness of the neo-convert Saifuddin (originally Suha Butta). “Sheikh was arrested and restrictions were imposed on his movement as mentioned by Jonaraja”. Saifuddin was Ali Shah’s key governor.

In Budshah’s reign, Baba Zainuddin was banished to Tibet. Afaaqi says there is no evidence of his return from the arid region, so far.

When the Sultan undid part of the Sikander’s policies, Afaaqi says Sheikh reacted especially against the liquor permission and official patronage to singing and dancing. “He was arrested,” Afaaqi says. “Hazrat Bahauddin Gunj Bakhsh who was Sheikh’s very close confidant in Srinagar was murdered during a night.”

The other instance is that of a Mecca scholar who arrived in Kashmir during Budshah’s era. Identified as Sayed Saidullah, Afaaqi says he came with a lot of literature to Dubar. Budhah’s official historian also mentions it. Later, in reaction to the killing of a Brahmin hermit, Jonaraja says the Arab was punished: “Sadaula was not killed, owing to king’s kindness, but the king ordered him to ride on an ass with his face towards the tail and to be led about every marketplace, his beard drenched with human urine, his head shaved, every one spitting on him, and his hands tied with the entrails of the dead man.”

Sheikh-ul-Aalam was unhappy with Budshah for most of his life.

Afaaqi has attempted an explanation. He says Sheikh was unhappy with the king for his policies and had sent his confidant Haji Loli on pilgrimage. A resident of Chakoo village in Kulgam, Loli was perhaps the only follower of Sheikh who moved out as far as Mecca and later to Punjab. The idea for sending him there was to petition against the Kashmir king and in that response, Syed Sadullah came with a lot of books which pleased the king. However, he was later disgraced and Afaaqi says it was a conspiracy by the Brahmin clergy.

Interestingly, Loli is also buried in Chrar-e-Sharief. Prior to his return, he had married in Punjab and Allama Iqbal in a letter to his brother, Sheikh Atta Mohammad, on October 15, 1925, has mentioned that his family is the progeny of Haji Loli.

After Sheikh’s demise, Mulla Ahmad, a scholar who wrote the first book about Sheikh, was banished to Pakhli. Soon after, Syed Mohammad Amin Owaisi, a member of the ruling family, was murdered when he reacted to king’s policies, Afaaqi has written.

However, the destiny had something interesting to unfold. After spending 22 years in Kashmir, Mir Muhammad Hamadani, son of Amir decided to return home. Well before that, he took a huge delegation of the political rulers and the preachers to Sheikh’s Zalsu centre where they interacted and finally the Central Asian preacher issued Khat-e-Irshad. It was a declaration – signed by Hamadani, Sheikh and the ruler, that Sheikh is a Wali and would be responsible for spreading Islam.

Since the Sheikh had already sung in praise of his Pir, the Amir, it was just an addition to the status he already had. But it ended, to a large extent, the intrigue that was being manufactured in Srinagar, around power corridors against Kashmir’s most prominent Muslim in history.


Burdened Backs

$
0
0

As the season’s incident free Amarnath Yatra came to a close with nearly three lakh pilgrims paying their respects at the shrine cave deep into mountains of Pahalgam, Muhammad Younis spent some time with a collie to tell his story, rarely told and barely listened

Dark clouds have gathered up eclipsing the sun entirely. Not a single beam is able to sneak through the confetti. It seems it is about to rain. Muhammad Ayoub Sheikh speeds up a little. He has three more kilometres to go. Mounted on his neck is a bundle of 39 plastic tools. In order to save his neck from rashes and bruises, he has sandwiched his Pheran between the neck and the weight.

Sheikh’s receded hairline is evident beneath the edge of his Pheran’s collar, looped over his head. Although only 38, white has abundantly made its way into his hair, moustaches and beard. From his bony chest, the collar bones wing out in such a fashion that a deep cavity is made at the base of his throat. It can literally hold water. Although the temperature is only notches up from zero, his emaciated body sweats profusely. And, in fact, a part of it trickling down his face, coalesce in the cavity for a while. But because of his movement, the sweat tumbles down immediately, wetting his white shirt below. Over a period of time, the activity has rendered the colour of his neck down to the cavity into dark brownish.

It is second half of August 2018. By August 26, the Amarnath yatra will conclude. While pilgrims will return home with joyful memories of Kashmir, Sheikh will return to his with the anecdotes of straining every sinew to produce means of survival for his family: Rs 20,000. It would be the earning of his 45 days of hard work.

Mohammad Ayoub Sheikh

At Chandawari (Pahalgam), more than 100 kms south of Srinagar, for all this time, Sheikh spent his nights in makeshift tents in chilling cold. He has a Pheran, a sweater, a pant and a shirt with him. The grime built up on his clothes suggests he barely washes them. But he has reasons. There is no one to do the job for him. And if he does it frequently by himself, it would have a bearing on his earnings, so he keeps them as they are.

Hailing from the forests of Neeltop village, 12 kms away from Banihal, Sheikh had first come to Chandanwari in 2013, in search of work. From someone in his village, he had learned that during the Amarnath yatra (between June and August), there is plenty of work. Since then, each year, he has been working in these mountains for these particular two months.

“In my area, labouring for a day fetches Rs 350,” Sheikh says. “We could manage our living with this amount provided the work is available throughout the year. But the problem is that in a month, we get work for a maximum of two weeks. So we need to ferret out for work.”

For these two months, Sheikh has a routine. Early in the morning, with anything of the pilgrims mounted on his neck, Sheikh leaves for his destination on foot. It could be from mere 7-kms to Zojibal, 12-kms to Sheshnag, 16-kms to Mahagunas (MG Top), 25-kms to Panjtarni, or the entire track of 32-kms to the cave. He literally has to climb up or down the steep mountains; mostly at Pissu Top and MG Top. The narrow pavements are completely rutted. Moving a step up or down, the boulders make the footwear slip a little. Sheikh wears a pair of worn off plastic boots. They squelch at his every step. The only comforting companion throughout the journey is river Lidder. Once in a while, Sheikh washes his face or scoops out a draught of water to quench his thirst.

How many up-downs he could make, depends upon the distance to his destination. On an average, he makes a couple from and back to the base camp in Chandanwari. And if the distance is more, he may have to spend his night enroute. Until now, with the luggage and other belongings of the pilgrims, he has made two journeys to the cave. Each took him a day, and fetched him an amount of Rs 1200. He walked for an entire day; otherwise the same journey is usually covered by the pilgrims in two to three days.

“To cross MG Top and onwards, for a free person, it seems like your lungs are going to burst out because of the shortage of air,” Sheikh says. “Imagine the situation when you carry load.” Actually like Pissu Top, which is 3 and a half kilometres steep ascent, from Sheshnag, one has to climb five more kilometres across MG Pass and then descend to the meadows of Panjtarni on the other side, located at a height of 3,657 metres.

The day Sheikh revealed his existential struggle; his consignment of a vegetable sack had been to MG Top in the morning. From the base camp of Chandanwari, he had left at 6 am after having a cup of tea and a loaf of bread. Around noon, he reached to his destination, completely exhausted. His body needed some heavy food to rejuvenate its strength. But even if he craved like anything for the same, he had to show patience; otherwise an amount of Rs 100 would have been deducted from his day’s earnings. So he improvised on a mere cup of tea again, and set off for his journey back to the base camp.

“In a day, we get three cups of tea with bread or sweets, and in the evening, around 9 pm, a plate of rice. And for this, we are being charged Rs 150,” Sheikh says. “Lunch is unaffordable for me and many more of us.”

Like Sheikh, this year there were around 400 collies and pony wallas working at Chandanwari, earning their livelihood by carrying the belongings of the pilgrims and others. Every year more than two lakh pilgrims visit the cave. Mostly by foot, some of them do use choppers, horses, and palanquins.

A sea of horses surrounds the whole area. They wait patiently as their owners go fishing for passengers. They charge Rs 2000 for a ride. Meanwhile, helicopters go vroom over their heads. The pilgrims from rich families prefer a flight than riding a horse or journey on foot. A one way chopper trip costs Rs 3000 from Pahalgam to Panjtarni. The latter is the disembarkation point for the devotees who prefer the helicopters. From here, they too have to join with the others on foot or horse-ridden.

For coolies like Sheikh, finding work is a bit difficult. “It is better to hire a horse than a collie to carry your load,” he claims. “There is less opportunity of bargaining with the customers.”

It is on his way back at Zojibal where Sheikh gets the work of the tools to be ferried to the base camp at Chandanwari. The owner of a food stall offers him Rs 600 for a 7-kms trek. Sheikh can’t bargain much. He puts the load on his neck, and starts at 2pm. At 4:45pm, he shows up at Pissu Top. The rest of the journey, which is to go steep downhill, is going to be tough as usual. He has to field his feet on the pavements more cautiously. God forbid, if he stumbles a little, he will have to pay through his life.

Every year, during the yatra, many casualties occur due to landslides, suffocation, stumbling down the mountains, and medical problems. Last year, around 50 people died. This season, the toll of deaths was to 10. Two pilgrims and three pony wallas were also injured in a landslide.  The shrine board interventions are believed to be one of the reasons about the reduced number of casualties.

Only a little downhill the Pissu Top, Sheikh takes rest by the grave of a pony for a while. It was a week ago that the pony had died while climbing down the mountain. It is here that Sheikh narrates, why he is trying to make productive every second of his stay at Chandanwari.

A single room mud hut, situated on the slopes of the mountains of Neeltop, makes home to Sheikh’s family, comprising his wife and half a dozen children. His eldest son studies in tenth class and the youngest is his three years old daughter. In July when Sheikh came to Chandanwari, he gave Rs 5000 to his wife for the two months. He knew the amount was too little, but like him, his family has also learned to manage. “If they want to eat to satiation then it won’t do.”

 

Mohammad Ayoub Sheikh while carrying load of tools.

Few years ago, an unfortunate incident dried up the already meagre income Sheikh’s family had. Falling down the slope of the mountain near his home, Sheikh’s son, then in fourth primary, got severely injured; a broken branch from a fallen tree penetrated deep on one side of his belly. Doctors at Banihal hospital asked Sheikh to collect money for the surgery that needed to be carried out immediately. Selling two cows that supplemented the income of the house was the only option available. The surgery cost Rs 30,000. Unfortunately Sheikh’s son developed complications. In SMHS hospital in Srinagar, it turned out that the surgery had failed. He had to take a debt from his neighbours for another operation. It also failed. Though the third operation, at SKIMS Srinagar, was successful, Sheikh was inundated in debt. And now over the years, paying in instalments a part of the debt, he still owes an Rs 25000 to his kind neighbours. “From the earnings here, I still won’t be able to free myself from the whole debt,” he regretted.

 

Again Sheikh gets to his feet. “I’m done with health,” Sheikh, tying his sweater tight around his waist, says. “There is no strength left in me now.” Three persons, including this reporter, give hand to him in putting the load on. It is heavy. It won’t be less than 65 kgs. His chin sunk deep into his chest, he gasps: “There is not a moment when I don’t pray to Almighty that may my fate is never shared by my children.” Sheikh has a dream to see all of his children well educated, and prosper in their lives. “May the load of no one mount on their necks.”

The reporter doesn’t know how many times Sheikh had taken rest until reaching Pissu Top, but onwards to the base camp, he would take rest not less than eight times. And finally as he reaches to his destination, the skies melt into rain. It seems they were waiting for him only.

The Bilirubin Bub

$
0
0

Faith healing is a scientifically accepted way-out. In Srinagar outskirts lives Abdul Qadir who treats more than 15000 patients a month and is considered a key healer for jaundice, reports Irtiza Rafiq

Abdul Qadir

The plasma screen at Srinagar International airport shows the arrival of the Delhi- Srinagar flight and the lounge gets instantly active. Among the curious mixture of excited and bored arrivals, Ruqaya, a 33-year-old woman with her pale yellow face, sunken cheeks, and a feeble body stands out. Accompanied by her husband Javaid, 37, as she makes her way out of the airport, her anxious relatives waste no time in elaborate greetings. Flying straight from the USA, the couple is literally bundled into the car and their journey started towards Syedpora (Dhara) in city outskirts.

After a drive of around 29 km, the couple gets off, pass a small bridge across a shallow, crooked, clear, stream, walk down some narrow alleys and enter a house. In the time Ruqaya waits with dozens of other women, most of them mothers with children nestled up in their arms in a compound brimful of multifarious people, Javaid proceeds towards a chaotic, almost endless queue at a congested staircase where scores of people are nudging each other to pass their Rs 10 note for the exchange of a stamped paper piece from a 40-year-old man upstanding at the middle of the stairs. There is another man at the foot of the staircase for crowd control.

The scene resembles the representation of a shrine where followers with raised hands propel each other to get a touch of some higher deity or a sacred thing. The chit for which they are struggling for is their ticket to cross the stairway. This stairway crossing is heavenly for most of them because it leads to the Bab, the ‘spiritual healer’.

For the last five decades, the septuagenarian Bab has been treating all kinds of ailments, at his residence, a quiet and picturesque place, almost 2.5 km from Harwan.

The influx of patients can be gauged by the fact that the Reshi abode comprises three houses: one where the family lives, second where the patients wait for their turn and the third where Abdul Qadir Reshi, the Bab examines and treats his patients.

The room of the treatment-building is jammed by people, among yellow faces, crying neonates, ailing individuals, on the left corner, Bab sits on a bed at a slight elevation with his youngest son Abdul Ghani Reshi. In between them is a large copper bowl of water, on their either side various bottled up solutions, some powders, and in the front, lies a knife and a leather belt.

Khadija, 65, a woman from Rajbagh approaches him with her eight-day-old granddaughter having 7.68 mg/dL bilirubin level, Bab takes hold of baby’s clothes, lays her in front of him, squeezes her nipples, sprinkles handful of water from the copper bowl on her and then slowly rubs her forehead, eyelids all the while muttering something under his breath. He then hands the baby over to Khadija and asks her to make sure that her mother doesn’t eat oily or non-vegetable food. Interestingly, Khadija reveals that the mother of the kid is herself a doctor but has a firm belief in the healing powers of Bab. The medico mom didn’t comply to the paediatrician’s suggestion of exchange transfusion (blood change).

The certitude of this kind doesn’t come as a surprise, for Bab has treated thousands of people. Some of them approached him after they keenly heard their treating doctors telling them: “There is nothing more we can do”. But somehow after following Bab’s prescription, some of these people managed to do the unexpected − they lived, fully treated.

For 55 years and counting, sort of miracles have been happening around this solemn looking spiritual healer who credits it all to the Almighty. “I have been bestowed upon by the knowledge and ability by God that I can say by looking at a person what he is suffering from, particularly jaundice patients, one look at them and I can tell if they will make it or not,” Bab said after managing his patients. “It is a vision by God; the verses I read have a healing effect in them so the healing comes from God.”

This peculiar wisdom runs in the Reshi family and has been transferring from generation to generation. The story of this bequeathed enlightenment started when a spiritual healer from Kabul had a dream, so goes the family legend, wherein he was commanded to visit Mulfak, a neighbouring area of Syedpora, which is known to be home of peers. Once there, he spent a night and went touring adjoining areas escorted by a peer from Mulfak. When he saw ancestors of Abdul Qadir Reshi working in paddy fields, he told his escort, according to Bab’s son Abdul Gani Reshi, “Go back I have got what I was looking for. From that day, he resided with my great-grandfather and passed him his saintly knowledge,” said Reshi Jr.

“But we were warned by our spiritual teacher against being greedy,” Gami said. “So we do not take any money except on Sundays when we take Rs 10 from people and that too for Darsgah and charity. On the contrary, we provide tea and refreshments to visitors.”

Every day, up to 600 patients visit the place, and on Sundays, the number crosses 1000 people, all of whom are treated free of cost by Bab who does it as a social service. He and his family make their living out of their orchards and are financially well off.

“Except for gallbladder stones, everything is treated here,” claims Gani, and he then goes to name the ailments they take care of : Sorphtoph (snake bite), Gunstoph (cobra bite), Arkhor, Hounchop (dog bite), Malder (Herpes), Diabetes, Kambal (jaundice), psoriasis. “We deal with everything but a lot of cautiousness must be exhibited on our parts and we should abide by guidelines of our forefathers. Once my uncle made some mistake and as a consequence, he had a brush with death. This is like a sword hanging on our heads we have to be vigilant at every step.”

This guarded approach is quite evident from the way Bab instructs his son while he prepares herbal remedies and writes prescriptions for patients, even whilst himself dealing with a Malder (Herpes Zoster) patient, Fatima, 55, from Shalimar by dragging and flipping the knife over her lesions. He is doing the shoving and thrusting amid the surging crowd. Angry, he finally uses the leather belt and whips it over the unruly assemblage.

Family’s makeshift shop selling the prescriptions is run by his younger son, Ghulam Masood Reshi and grandson Rayees Ahmad Reshi. Even though it’s not mandatory for people to buy their stock from this shop, still they prefer it, because patients are patiently helped to understand how to follow their prescription. Bab’s prescriptions usually comprise of 80 per cent of herbs and 20 per cent of Hamdard products. Rishis say they take great care that herbs are genuine and hire peasants to handpick them.

People waiting outside Abdul Qadir ‘s abode.

“These unadulterated herbs when used in treatment do wonders,” Masood Reshi said. “There is a specific herb Wagan which heals the bite of rabies dog, without any need of injections, another herb, Sumbloo and Kawidarh Moul, helps to treat blood cancer, diabetes, cholesterol, and thyroid. Yet another herb, Jogi Patsah, found in dog free area of Ladakh aids in treating kidney and ovarian cysts. For jaundice patients, we use a rare herb called Michre Komal. The market value of these herbs is in thousands but we sell them at Rs 600 at the maximum.”

More diverse than the herbs here are the people who flock around Bub. People from all parts of Kashmir, urban as well as rural, from all socio-economic backgrounds, pin the hope of their healing on Bab, but what is more captivating is that people from different religions have belief in him as well.

Jaswant Singh, 60, brings his son, Gurpal Singh, 24, with some throat allergies and Bab after prescribing the medicines holds his turban and reads verses from Quran. This presents a quite peculiar sight.

= A month later, Bab informed this reporter that a non-resident Kashmiri couple from the USA have also come to him for a treatment. In the USA, she was diagnosed with severe jaundice. Her bilirubin count was 65 mg/dL, a level that has the least chances of recovery as per medical sciences. She and her husband then decided to return home, maybe they were preparing for the worst.

But back home, Ruqaya’s family wanted to try for the last time for which they travelled straightaway from Airport for Bab’s consultation.

After twenty days of Bab’s treatment, Ruqaya recovered and then left for the US along with her husband happily.

(Names of patients mentioned in this story have been changed to protect their identities.)

Encourage Logic

$
0
0

by Muhammad Qasim Shah

Al-Razi statute in UN Scholar’s Pavillion

Man is born free and has been given a free will but most often gets lost. Circumstances influence his observational skills, environment conditions impact his mental faculties, superstitions challenge his rationality and free enquiry, and thus he breaks down under his own obstacles and gets displaced to the level lowest of the low. He was given an authority next to God on earth and all other creations were made subservient to him, but he reduced to make himself the servant of everything in the universe.

“For ancient man, nature was not just a treasure trowel of natural resources, but a goddess, Mother Earth,” British historian and philosopher Arnold J Toynbee wrote. “And the vegetation that sprang from the earth, the animals that roamed the earth’s surface, and the minerals hiding in the earth’s bowels, all partook of nature’s divinity, so did all natural phenomena——– springs and rivers and the sea; mountains; earthquakes; and lightning and thunder. Such was the original religion of all mankind.”

It is why we see in the circumstances when polytheism had placed an insurmountable barrier in his path of unveiling the truth, the Great Prophets came to rescue him.

“In this way, we showed Ibrahim Our Kingdom of the heavens and the earth so that he might have certainty in faith. When night descended on him, he saw star, he said, ‘This is my Lord!’ Then when it set, he said, ‘I do not love things that set’. When he saw the moon rise and spread its light, he said, this is my Lord. But when it also set, he said, “If my lord does not guide me, I will be one of the misguided people.” Then when he saw the sun shining, he said, ‘This is my Lord! This is the greatest of all!’ Then when it set he said, ‘My people, I disown all that you worship besides God. I have set my face with single-minded devotion, towards Him who has created the heavens and the earth, and I am not of the polytheists.” (Al-Quran 6:75-79)

Mythology was challenged openly. The rational argument startled and dumbfounded the false god and his followers. The Quran extensively dwells upon this debate:

“Have you not considered him (Namrud) who disputed with Ibrahim about his Lord, because Allah had given him the kingdom? When Ibrahim said: My Lord is He who gives life and causes to die, he said: I give life and cause death. Ibrahim said: so surely Allah causes the sun to rise from the east, then make it rise from the west; thus he who disbelieved was confounded, and Allah does not guide aright the unjust people.” (2: 258)

Edward Jenner, inventor of Small Pox Vaccine

Truth has always a pride to spring through the flames and rise from the blades. The Almighty Allah, who has made all this subservient to human and thus recalls us why the last and final message of Allah towards the mankind opens as: “All praise is due to Allah, the Lord of the universe.” (1:1)

You ponder, peep through, observe, experiment, question, reason, analyze and then again put it to questioning you will sum up in;

“(And) who created seven heavens in layers. You do not see in the creation of the Most Merciful any inconsistency. So return (your) vision (to the sky); do you see any breaks? Then return (your) vision twice again. (Your) vision will return to you humbled while it is fatigued.” (67: 3-4)

Whatever is held sacred is composed both of trust and of terror. When man holds the unholy as holy, he closes all doors to progress. The material objects which are considered holy, fall, on the other hand, within the sphere of human action. And whenever these things have been surrounded with an aura of holy mystery, they have assumed too exalted a status to be subjected to scientific investigation.

A case study of smallpox explains clearly the impact of the superstitions and the monotheistic revolution.

“The death of Rameses ‘V’ C, 1160 BC was thought to have been due to smallpox….. my own examination of the large photographs of the mummified body and head leads me to support this view,” C W Dixon, professor of preventive and social medicine, WHO consultant on smallpox writes in his book, Smallpox. “And the disease was known in China in the Tocheon dynasty in 1122 BC. (p 188)

In the past, this disease gripped many countries in the form of dangerous epidemics. Thousands of people were devoured by it. Even then, it took thousands of years for this dreaded disease to be investigated scientifically.

The book, The Life and Death of Smallpox by Lan Glynn, Jenifer Glynn offers some detail of its genealogy.

“In 1767 John Zephariah Holwell gave a talk to the college of physicians in London. In an address, mainly concerned with the manner of inoculating for smallpox in the East Indies, he told them that the Atherva Veda- the fourth book of ancient Hindu scriptures, written according to the Brahmins more than 3000 years ago. “Instituted a form of divine worship, with poojahs or offerings, to a female divinity stilled by the common people…… the goddess of spots…..” (see page 7-8)

It further describes: “It is true though, that for a long time, a Hindu goddess of smallpox has been worshipped with much enthusiasm throughout India and Nepal. She is known by a single name, Sitala – literally ‘the cool one’. She is believed to be both to bring smallpox and to help those suffering from it and she is represented in different forms.” (p 9 )

It is worth mentioning here that in our land Kashmir, smallpox is known as shaetal, maybe the name derived from the same Hindu goddess ‘Sitala’.

“Smallpox gods and goddesses have also been found in China, Japan, West Africa and Brazil.” (p 9)

It was not until the end of the ninth century, subsequent to the emergence of Islam, that this medical fact was unearthed for the first time and now we know that smallpox is a contagious disease and its attacks can be warded off. The first name which became prominent in history in this connection was that of the well-known Arab Muslim physician, Al- Razi (854-925 CE), who was born in Ray in Iran. In search of a remedy for the disease, he investigated it from the purely medical standpoint and wrote the first book on the subject, called, Al-Judri was al-Hasba. This was translated into Latin, the academic language of ancient Europe, in 1565 in Venice. It was later translated into Greek and other European Languages; thus, it spread all over the world. Its English translation, published in London in 1848, was entitled, ‘A Treatise on Smallpox and Measles.’

This book distinguished, for the first time, Smallpox from the Measles.

Muhammad Qasim Shah

Edward Jenner (1749-1823), after reading Al-Razi’s book was led to making the clinical investigation of the disease and successfully invented the vaccination for it. Now the question arises as to why such a long time elapsed between the initial discovery of the disease and the first attempts to investigate it medically with a view to finding a remedy? The reason is evident, holding that sacred which is not sacred, non-holy as holy, the devotion of creation unto the creation, the prevalence of superstitious beliefs and myths, all the ‘shirk’ leaving no space for free enquiry thus barring the astounding thinking capacity of the humans.

It was only after Islam came to the world that an intellectual revolution took off. It dispelled all types of ‘shirk’, enlightened the human mind and encouraged it to unveil the mysteries of the universe and to put in service all that has been created subservient to him.

There is a need to encourage the space for free enquiry and questioning in our academics so that the budding learners can contribute better.

Author is working in a medical field. Having a passion of reading books and is associated with the school level unique and popular competitive examination ALOHA GAT.

Business of Death

$
0
0

Unlike most of the Muslim societies, the death in parts of Kashmir triggers a protracted commercial exercise that involves a set of professionals and a lot of costs. After meeting a couple of females who specialise in giving funeral baths to the dead while working in close coordination with the gravediggers, Saima Bhat tries to explain the elaborate business of the bones that has taken off with the death of traditional voluntarism in parts of the city

Art Work by a US-based artist, Zaffar Abbas

On the fourth day of mourning at Hazratbal, a discussion turned into verbal brawl soon after the family refused to give gold earrings and two bangles of their dead mother to the lady who prepared her mortal remains for interment. She gave her the funeral bath, the Ghasul.

“We already gave her Rs 2000, two suits and one pashmina shawl. But she is adamant that she has to take every gold ornament our mother was wearing at the time of her death,” says Arif, eldest son of the dead lady. “She doesn’t have an idea about what a golden ornament costs and how expensive a pashmina shawl usually is.”

Arif’s family actually belongs to Nawa Kadal area but a decade back they shifted to Hazratbal area. He said they could have managed to get some other lady, Ghusaal, a person who gives the ablutionary bath to the dead person before the burial, but the gravedigger insisted he works with this particular lady in the particular locality so there was no option. “A Gourkan, the gravedigger and a Ghusaal work with each other and there is a commercial relation,” Arif added.

The brawl ended in peace-making. Finally, the lady settled at Rs 7000 and the balance sum was to be paid on the Rasm-e-Chahrum, the fourth day of Arif’s mother.

Capital city’s areas are fairly distributed within the established Ghusaals’. Most of the Malkha area, the largest graveyard in Srinagar, comes under Laali ji’s domain. Though a daughter of adjacent Nowhatta, she is married outside the Old City.

In her early forties, Laali Ji, now a resident of Danderkha in Batamaloo, lives in a fully furnished newly constructed three storey house, the property she shares with her brother-in-law.

Having a distinct style of talking; she loves long sentences without missing her flow and skips normal pauses. She mostly prefixes Jigar before addressing a sentence towards any person she talks to. Having pierced her ears at four places in a row, with a gold earring in each, her naturally clean eyebrow line doesn’t hide the dark circles beneath her deep socket eyeballs. She is proud of her ‘profession’ and says it has come to her in Virasat, meaning she has inherited it. She doesn’t hesitate in saying that preparing dead for their eternal journey is her profession and everybody in her father’s family does it. She belongs to Hafiz family in Malkha, Nowhatta.

Aerial view of Malkha graveyard in Down Town, Srinagar. KL Image by Bilal Bahadur

“It is our ancestral occupation. My grandfather, grandmother and then my mother, father, brothers, uncles, cousins, everybody does the same work,” Laali Ji said. “If you are a doctor, Allah has given you this as your source of income, same ways this is ours.” The men in her family are gravediggers and the Ghusaals. She prepares the dead women for the burial and washes them for the final journey to the grave.

Laali Ji is illiterate but she says she has read the Quran and memorises all the verses that need to be recited for the dead at the time of their death. She was quick in claiming that if somebody opens the Quran in front of her she can read it from a distance. “When Grand Mufti’s mother passed away I was called for her Ghasul but before the actual job, they asked me, questioned me how I was going to do it,” Laali Ji remembers. “After they got convinced with my answers, they gave me a nod to go ahead. I have been approved by Kashmir’s Grand Mufti family so I can tell you with authority I am the only professional who knows her job well.”

But Laali Ji gets upsets when it comes to her predecessors and successors and immediately calls them ‘un-trained’, ‘unqualified’ for the job. She is in this undertaking profession from more than a decade now. It started the day her mother passed away in a road accident. It had become a crisis for her other family members in the profession as they had no female Ghusaal, locally called Srangarien. “I used to accompany my mother and I was aware how to do it but I had never done it,” Laali Ji recalls. “But after my mother’s death, I had to take over as my four siblings: two sisters and two brothers were still unmarried. Rest of us were married and settled so it was my responsibility to take over.”

Before getting into the profession, Laali Ji asked her husband, Firdous Ahmad Shah, a professional auto driver, if she can take over. To her surprise, she said he was supportive to get her the ‘noble mission’. But it was not an easy task for her. She had to undergo a six months training before taking over.

Laali Ji’s father was a poor man and could hardly earn two meals. She turns melancholic while recalling her childhood days when her father could not afford a second salwar kameez for his daughters. “I could study only up to the fifth primary because of the poverty and then I learnt the art of embroidery,” Lali Ji recalls her past. She was married in a Shudra family who neither had a good source of income nor any huge property. Her in-laws belonged to Sarai Bala area in Lal Chowk but later they shifted to Danderkha.

“I had to get my unmarried siblings to my husband’s house and over the years we married three of them,” she said, in appreciation of her in-laws. “My one brother is mentally unwell so we are not going to marry him. We have seriously worked like labourers for this extra responsibility.” Laali Ji and Shah have two children, a daughter who is studying in the eleventh standard and a son, a ninth grader.

In Muslim societies, giving Ghasul is a noble deed. It is one of the key rites in Muslim funerals. In most of the Muslim world, this is a voluntary exercise.

Gourkan and Ghusaal are Persian words, Gour meaning grave and Kan mean digger. With the advent of Islam in Kashmir, Islamic preachers got these Gourkans and Ghusaal along from central Asian countries.

“Those people taught locals about this job but in the old city, it was one particular class who learnt it,” Kashmir raconteur, Zareef Ahmad Zareef said. “But in rural areas, they did not keep it limited to one class only. At both places, these professionals used to work under a barter system.”

People carrying a body for funeral prayers. KL Image by Bilal Bahadur

In Kashmir, however, many people in urban spaces have suffered sort of a stigma attached to it, especially in the Old City. The gradual fading away of the voluntary spirit on this front has given birth to a formal profession and for the generations, it has survived as commerce. As it emerged a profession, the state could not avoid enlisting the Gorkan and the Gusaal as the social castes thus bestowing upon them certain concessions in recruitment and scholarships. As a result, an old city resident says, “These Gorkan’s and Ghusaal’s have shifted their profession. They are mostly doing white collar jobs now and for this work, they have hired labour to retain the social caste.” Laali Ji also says the people living in and around Malkha whose profession is majorly based with the dead, have to suffer when it comes to their marriage. “We are being called Malkhaish when I should be called Otan ji. They should call us with respect. Now instead of going out of the area, we prefer to marry between cousins so that our profession does not become a barrier in getting us good marriage prospects,” she said.

In Malkha, every clan has their allotted spaces. This peculiar fragmentation of city’s oldest and the biggest graveyard is known to the gravediggers like palms of their hands. When somebody passes away, the family comes to the graveyard and asks the concerned people to dig a grave. These families are aware if they seek the services of a gravedigger then they have to avail the entire basket of funeral services the particular Gorkan offers and it usually includes the Ghusaal.

“My area is vast because my father, brothers and cousins have only me as female support,” says Laali Ji. Her cousins get the address from the messenger of the family and she gets a call. Her husband accompanies her.

“My husband does not go for any work,” Laali Ji said. “He is full time with me because you never know when I will receive a call. I am hardly home. Sometimes it is midnight and sometimes during the day but my phone never stops ringing. People know my work and that is why I am in demand.” Since people inhabiting the old Srinagar city have started migrating to the uptown and other peripheral areas for better living in uncongested localities, Laali Ji says her area of operation has widened. Off late, she goes in the areas like Soura, Aali Kadal, Hyderpora, Baghat, Rajbagh, Bagh e Mehtab, Solina.

But as per Laali Ji the cost for Ghasul varies from family to family. If the areas fall under committees then it is the Mohalla committee that finalises the rate, which usually does not exceed Rs 3000. But, if the family approaches her directly or is not under committee then it involves sort of a bargain.

“See if they can spend lavishly on Wazwan on the fourth day of the mourning then why can’t they give us Rs 20,000 or more,” Laali Ji said. “Other than the money we are given jewellery the dead was wearing at the time of her death, some of her clothes as well and I accept everything with a Bismillah. Some of the ladies before dying tell their families that their earrings should be given to the lady who will prepare her for the last journey.” She says she is actually doing what the dead lady’s daughter, a mother or a close relative is supposed to do. “Why cannot they pay us well for the job they are supposed to do but do not do?” In case, the mourning families seek the return of the jewellery, she obliges, she claimed.

Transactions do not happen at the same time. Laali Ji said she meets the families on the fourth day of the mourning.

Laali Ji has many anecdotes to share. She remembers the accidental death of a mother whose leg had fallen off the body in the mishap. “Since I am not a doctor that I could have stitched it back but I tried to fix it with the bandages and when her husband saw it, he was impressed by my work and he gave me a cash reward,” she said.

The clothes she collects from the dead, she said, are stocked at her home. “Any needful comes and asks for clothes. I donate them,” she said. “People come to me because I have been doing it from years.” She says she is still in the profession because she has to earn for her two children and three minor children of her eldest brother, who has recently passed away.

There are counterpoints to her claims. “She collects these clothes and then they hire a vehicle and these clothes are sold out in open market,” one person, talking anonymously, said. He knows how the funeral undertaking operates in Kashmir. “She and her other co-professionals, however, retain the bedding of the dead along with the jewellery and the Pashmina shawls. It is sort of extortion.”

Many other female Ghusaals’ in downtown area demand above Rs 10,000 to whatever rate gets finalised in the bargain.

In 2007 when a colleague and friend of Zareef Ahmad Zareef passed away, he was witness to the ‘extortion’. “After burying my friend the gravedigger asked for Rs 15000 and everybody was shocked. Me and his brother-in-law, who was a senior officer in police refused to pay him that amount but my friend’s son handed over the money to him silently,” Zareef said. “It is an emotional state where nobody wants to argue that too when the dead is just buried.”

He claims to have witnessed scenes in which the relatives of a dead were interrupted while taken out the gold ornaments from a dead lady’s body. “You won’t believe how a Ghusaal started shouting, ye kya laash khaali (why is this body empty)…ye cha laash (is it really dead)…”

However, he insists the trend in vogue is a post- 1990 when the money flow started endlessly in Kashmir. Earlier, he said, these people were given a maximum of Rs 400.

Shaheena (name changed), 38, is also in the profession for the last five years. But it was after her husband heart ailment that she had to get in this profession. “My father’s family does not belong to this work but my in-laws do,” she said. “My husband was a gravedigger but some years back he developed heart ailment and started staying home.” The couple had two children and were living a single room house in Old City.

An illiterate Shaheena knew to spin the wheel but that did not fetch her much. One day she was asked by her father-in-law and husband to get in the profession so that she can earn respectably for her family. “It was on the body of my own daughter that I learnt giving Ghasul and it was my daughter who helped me in learning the Quranic verses that I need while preparing the dead,” she said.

After more than six years now Shaheena’s husband has recovered and changed his profession. He now sells different things on a cart and together they could save some money. Recently, they purchased a three storey house just opposite to her one-room home. This has helped the couple not to discontinue the studies of their children. She operates in areas of Nawa Kadal, Eidgah, Chattabal, Bemina.

But the commercial funeral undertaking is by and large restricted to the Old City. It has an elaborate system. It started with the funeral bath, the grave-digging, then the Pirs come for special prayers and the process continues until the Rasm-e-Chahrum is over. During the process of burial, the gravediggers seek unbaked bricks for which a number of shops operate near the Nowhatta police station, outside the Malkhah. On the fourth day, invariably, the deceased family invests in a grand feast. It follows the special prayers at the graveyard at a fixed time before which an epitaph is placed on the grave that is fixed with cement or the marble. The entire process is commercial.

During the mourning, the relatives come with eatables, most of which goes to waste. Though the families of the deceased are supposed to be fed by neighbours, the role has now been taken over by the Mohalla Committees that feed the families – only dinner – for three days.

The death is a huge business in most of the world. In certain non-pagan societies, the post-death rites are managed by huge companies, some of which are listed with the stock exchanges. But in most of the Muslim world, it is taking care of either by the society or by the state.

In Kashmir, this commercial phenomenon, however, does not exist outside Srinagar’s old city. People take it as a social service rather than a profession in areas surrounding the downtown.

Graveyard in Srinagar. KL Image by Bilal Bahadur

Barely 2.5 km away from Lal Chowk, in Barzulla area, two septuagenarian women are known to prepare ladies for their eternal resting place. When Shakeela, a carcinoma breast patient succumbed to her disease in the first week of December, both the elderly Ghusaals’ were unwell. It was the dead lady’s immediate neighbour who went to inform them their services are needed.

“It is winter and usually old people don’t keep well. Then I was told that there was another lady who can help me but once I reached her home, she was accompanying her daughter-in-law in the hospital,” Abdul Majid said. “I was desperately exploring all the options and I came to know that a young girl, who was recently married in our area, knows this well.” When Shakeela’s neighbour, Majid, got the address he found a fully covered girl and asked her if she can come over to other Mohalla as a lady has died. She has learned it from a local Darsgah near her home.

By that time, Majid had informed a group of local boys about the demise in the neighbourhood and they had started digging a grave.

This all happened in just 15 minutes that the grave was ready and a lady was ready to give the funeral bath to the dead. “It was not only that girl who prepared the dead but her daughter and sister also helped in,” an eyewitness who was part of the funeral gathering said. “After the coffin was taken towards the graveyard, all of the Shakeela’s relatives and neighbour ladies were kissing the hands of that girl.”

In the peripheries of Srinagar City or the rural areas, neither the gravediggers are professionals nor the Ghusaals’ have a full-time job. They live a normal life without fearing any social stigma and do noble work as well.

Historian Mohammad Ashraf Wani links the phenomenon with pre-modern society. The Ghusaals and Gourkans were usually landless people and for their services, they were helped through a barter system. “After the advent of Islam, this profession became hereditary. But after modern commercialisation the system has changed,” Wani said. “In the City, they were limited people and things changed abruptly after the monetisation of the economy. And in rural areas, it was not limited to a particular class so there was not any problem.”

Wani believes the commercialisation of this work is fading away outside the old city with the people getting religiously conscious.

Islamic Scholar Mufti Tahira, who herself lives in the downtown area, says preparing a dead for her/his last journey is noble work. As per Islamic teachings, Mufti Tahira said it is the responsibility of the children to take care of their parents and if any of the parents dies it becomes the responsibility of their children to prepare them cleanly under pardah for the last journey. “We as children should not waste this opportunity of last Khidmat to our parents,” she insisted. She herself has faced an embarrassing situation when, at one mourning, she was requested to prepare a dead lady for the last journey. “They had already called in the professional Ghusaal and trust me she did not allow me to even touch the dead. I understand it is their source of income but I blame families for this wrong in the society.”

Tahira runs a school exclusively for females where she teaches Quran and other Islamic teachings. “I have made it mandatory for my girl students that they should know how to prepare dead for the burial and I counsel them how it is their responsibility to do it for their dear ones. I teach them on dummies how to do the Ghasul and then wear the Kafan (shroud) as per Shariah.”

When Tahira’s mother-in-law passed away in 2016, and her in-laws were going to call a Ghusaal, she interrupted them. She said she was going to do it herself and made her sisters-in-law also to help her. “It is our responsibility. The right of daughters is to do it for their mothers under Pardah. Who else can do Pardah for a mother other than a daughter?”

Caught between the profession, tradition and the faith, there are instances where female Ghusaals’ were arrested by police on the complaint filed by mourning families that they have stolen the jewellery of the dead. They were released after the recovery of the gold items.

“How can these ladies take the gold of dead when it becomes the property of her children,” Tahira said. “In our faith, there are strict rules for taking the share of orphans.”

Seeing the trend as counter-religious, anti-Sharia and unethical, Zareef said he visited the office of the Wakf Board thrice during recent years. “I have asked them that they should be recruiting professionals for Malkha and other bigger graveyards and fix an amount for their services. This is the only way to come out of this mess,” he said. “There were promises but nothing changed.”

Off late, as the Srinagar started expanding fast, another crisis has surfaced: the shortage of graveyards.

Haji Abdul Razak, a Sopore contractor, shifted to Srinagar after Kashmir engulfed in conflict. He lives in posh Baghat belt in the city uptown.

After more than two decades when he passed away in 2013, his mortal remains were driven to Sopore because he could not afford to buy a graveyard in the area he lived.

Saleem, his son, said they had contacted land dealers a couple of times but the rate of land was so high that they gave up the idea. “One can think of getting land for building his house in Srinagar but when it comes to graveyard same amount is needed for one marla of land for a graveyard,” Saleem said.

Zareef sees it as the worst thing happening in society. “Anything related to death has become a trade. The trade of dead has become worst of all trades in Kashmir.”

In order to manage this pressing requirement, a lucrative trade is flourishing in the city. As the people were hunting for the space to have exclusive graveyards, it was a soft speaking businessman who discovered an idea. He purchased vast patches of land falling under the power transmission lines within the city and its outskirts and converted them into graveyards.

“People do not like living under these lines for health reasons and this land was getting into disuse,” Mohammad Afzal Sheikh said. “I tried converting it into the graveyard and it clicked.” Now it is a roaring business. This idea has reduced the costs of the graveyard spaces to a large extent. “I believe, there is no space in Srinagar city and if it is it must be very costly,” Afzal said. “Invariably any fresh graveyard will not cost less than Rs 1.5 lakh a marla.”

Afzal has a fair understanding of this crisis. “If a non-resident dies in Srinagar, it is highly impossible that he would get a place for his eternal rest,” Afzal said. “One day, I was driving home that I saw a crowd near Buchpora. They were surrounding a cot on which was the corpse of a Bakerwal and he had no space to be buried. Then, I arranged from my resources some space in Rangil where he was laid to rest.”

The shortage of space and lack of a graveyard where a person, not having any rights over the cemetery, can be buried showed up humiliatingly at the peak of turmoil during the 1990s.

Since it was curfew and strikes, the moment was literally impossible, a small piece of land near the tertiary care maternity hospital Lala Ded hospital was converted into a graveyard for burying the infants who were dying in the hospital. “The hospital has not the facility of a corpse carrier. During Jagmohan’s tenure, the in-patients were hardly budging out. When the unprecedented curfews followed and their dead child started decomposing in the hospital complex, they decided to bury them in that piece of land infested with the wild grasses,” Masood Hussain reported in Kashmir Times on July 17, 1993. “Situation refused to regain its originality so the burials became a routine.”

A casket ready for sale.

The interesting feature of this “graveyard” was that it seems near vacant even after it had accommodated hundreds of dead juveniles since its existence on a temporary basis. Despite being put to constant with 28 infant burials a month, it never faced the space shortage, the report said. The reporter counted just two dozen “graves” among which “nine were wide open with recent blood stains shrouds though torn”. The report is one of the grim reminders of what Kashmir witnessed during the dark 1990s.

Though the hospital employees had collected some money to fill the stony boneyard, it was eventually abandoned after the situation improved.

But the crisis for people who lack rights over some sort of a resting space is getting inhuman. In Keran sector, Bore village ceases to exist. The residents were pushed out in the early 1990s and they live as migrants across Kashmir. When one resident died post-migration, he did not find any space and the family raised loans to purchase a few meters of land to bury him but still they could not manage it.

“It is absolute inhumanity,” Afzal said. “Why cannot Muslim Wakf Board start working for a graveyard where families, lacking resources to own such space, can bury the dead?”

Kashmir’s First Preacher

$
0
0

In this brief write-up, Dr Darakhshan Abdullah offers an idea about Islam’s emphasis on preaching while offering basic details about Kashmir’s first missionary preacher, Bulbul Shah

Bulbulshah Mosque. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

Bulbulshah Mosque. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

Islam ordains its followers the responsibility of the preaching of the faith and as such from the very advent of Islam by Prophet (PBUH) in Arabia, missionaries were deputed to spread the teachings of Islam in the four corners of the earth.

The social appeal of the religion of Islam suited the disturbed minds of the people and there is no wonder that the disintegrated tribal society was converted into the most powerful force and ventured to establish an empire surpassing even the Byzantine and Roman Empires.

There were many cumulative factors other than the missionary zeal and social appeal of the faith resulting in the fall of one country after other before the sceptre of Islam.

Nevertheless, it was always borne on the minds of the Muslims that the propagation of the faith among non-Muslims is an integral part of the duties of a true Muslim. Therefore, the knowledgeable personalities technically called the ulema either proceeded or followed the Muslim forces.

In the case of Kashmir, it was perfectly the legacy of this class that Islam was introduced and institutionalised in the fertile soil of Kashmir. However, this credit goes to the Ulema, Sufis and saints of Central Asia. They came individually and collectively while most of them settled down in the kingdom. Needless to say that the Arabs while conquering the Sindh and Mahmud of Ghazni failed to bring Kashmir under their sway.

It is a misnomer that the tiny kingdom of Kashmir was politically, culturally and socially an isolated mass of land. Being located on a very important link of Central Asia silk route, there was frequent movement of men and ideas between Kashmir and Central Asia. However, the social mobilisation from Central Asia towards northern India was further accelerated on account of tribal pressures, love of learning, commercial consideration end above all employment prospects.

Kashmir was the heartland of Buddhism for centuries and an abode of Shavemet. It also occupied the highest place in Hindu India as for as the learning and philosophy was concerned. But after the fall of Lohra dynasty, the socio-economic fibre of the kingdom was dampened beyond the capacity of repair and the political system was falling under its own weight. So the land and the people were looking forward to a new message.

Smallest and the oldest mosque in Srinagar's Aali Kadal. It is not open for prayers. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

Smallest and the oldest mosque in Srinagar’s Aali Kadal. It is not open for prayers. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

Thus the Central Asian missionaries could not find any conducive piece to propagate Islam other than Kashmir. Obviously, their arrival was welcomed and with a couple of centuries, the entire population was converted at the hands of the missionaries. They established Khanqahs in different parts of the Valley, where they acquainted the neophytes with the basic tenets of Islam and attracted them by their simplicity and piety. It is difficult to have a vivid account of their life and activities and as such our account is wanting in many respects.

In the twelfth century an account of a prominent person Sayyed Sharfu-din by name is found in many chroniclers. However, his popular name was Bulbul Shah. He hailed from Turkistan. Opinions are divergent with regard to his preceptor as some write that he was a direct disciple of Shihabud-in-Suhrawardi while others say that his spiritual teacher was Mulla Ahmad Allama. But these views are refuted on the ground that firstly there appears almost a gap of ninety-two years (632-725 AH) between Shihab-ud-Din and Bulbul Shah’s period. Therefore, the Shaikh does not appear to have guided Bulbul Shah.

Secondly, if Mulla Ahmad was the teacher, then Bulbul Shah would not have taken lead in the conversion of Rinchana in the presence of his spiritual guide (Mulla Ahmad) who would be thus relegated to the secondary position on such important occasion.

A modem scholar suggests that Mulla Ahmad was a lieutenant of Bulbul Shah. The most accepted view is that he was a disciple of Shah Niamat-Ullah Farsi, a descendant of Shahabu-Din-Suhraward, who belonged to Suhrawardi school of Sufis. Bulbul Shah in accordance with the directives of his teacher travelled extensively and reached Kashmir during the reign of Suhedava (1301-20 AD) with one thousand followers. Gifted with spiritual power and attainments of high moral standard, Bulbul Shah exercised great Influence on those people among whom he worked and lived and converted a number of people to the fold of Islam.

Fortunately, the conditions prevailing in Kashmir were also favourable to him as the Hindu rule was at the verge of its decline due to continuous intrigues and extravagance of its rulers, which resulted in the dilapidation of the resources of the country. In order to meet the expenses, heavy taxes were imposed. This heavy burden of over-taxation was ultimately passed on to the common man as the Brahmans and officials of the state were exempted. The net result of the scheme was an economic breakdown. The overexploitation of the social system has further deteriorated its fibre.

Ladakh prince Rinchana, who came to be known as Sadar-ud-Din, the first muslim ruler of Kashmir. He converted to Islam at the hand of Bulbul Shah. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

Ladakh prince Rinchana, who came to be known as Sadar-ud-Din, the first muslim ruler of Kashmir. He converted to Islam at the hand of Bulbul Shah. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

The observation of S W Lawrence with regard to the twelfth century Kashmir is befitting. He states, “Kashmir was a country of drunkards, gamblers” and where “women were no better than they should be”. Therefore, the Hindus, on the one hand, were fed up with the misrule of their kings and on the other hand, the ill-treatment meted out to them at the hands of Brahmans compelled them to come out of the existing social order in which their position was no better than cattle. Low caste Hindus were not allowed to recite the verses of sacred scriptures as it was only the privilege of the upper class, and if he was heard of doing so, his tongue was out off.

While on the other hand, the social appeal of Islam was a great force of attraction to them. The unity of God or equality of human beings provided them with an equal status before God with their co-religionist immaterial of their social status. They experienced satisfaction while standing by their master or a religious leader while offering prayers without any inhibition.

According to one tradition as many as ten thousand people embraced the creed of Bulbul Shah and the most important personality who was brought to the fold of Islam by him was Rinchan (a Ladakhi Buddhist). This singular achievement surpassed the records as this ultimately paved the way for the establishment of Muslim rule in Kashmir.

Different people have attributed different motives to Rinchana for accepting Islam. But it is certain that Rinchana embraced Islam at the hands of Bulbul Shah and adopted the name of Sadru-ud-Dln. The royal patronage which Islam secured, won for it many new converts as ancient and medieval history is full of explains when the subjects invariably followed the footsteps of their ruler who had undergone a religious conversion.

Rinchana after conversion, on the instigation of his preceptor, constructed a Khanqah on the bank of river Jehlum known as Bulbul Lankar, where he offered his congregation prayers five times a day. This was the first mosque ever to have been built in Kashmir. A Langer (free kitchen) was also attached to Khanqah for the maintenance of which Rinchana has assigned the revenues of few villages. Throughout the Sultanate period, the auspice turned to be the centre of the inmates. Bulbul Shah died in 727 /1326 AD and was buried in this Khanqah.

(The passages were excerpted from the author’s PhD thesis titled Religious Policy of the Sultans of Kashmir 1320-1586 AD.)

Kashmir’s Amir-e-Kabir Days

$
0
0

The period between 1371 and 1405, during the initial days of the Shahmiri Sultanate, was extremely crucial in Kashmir’s transition to Islam. It witnessed the arrival of Amir-e-Kabir, his son and their 1000-odd followers who joined a more than 200-year old campaign for Islam in a Hindu state. How these 33 years changed Kashmir forever is one of the fascinating stories of Kashmir’s quantum jump in faith and mobility, reports Masood Hussain

Khanqah Moula. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

Khanqah Moula. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

“Noble of nobles, commander of Persia;
whose hand is the architect of the nations;
Ghazali himself learned the lesson of Allah is He;
and drew meditation and thought from his stock;
Guide he of that emerald land, counsellor of princes, dervishes, and Salatin;
A king ocean-munificent, to that vale, he gave sciences, crafts, education, religion;
That man created a miniature Iran, with rare and heart-ravishing arts,
With one glance, he unravels a hundred knots
rise, and let his arrow transfix your heart.”

Allama Iqbal on Shah-e-Hamadan in Javid Nama

Involving the reign of four Sultans, the history of Islam in Kashmir had a vital three decades that went into shaping the society as it is known today. This period begins with Shah-e-Hamadan visiting Kashmir in 1371, and concludes with the emigration of his son Mir Mohammed Hamadani from Kashmir in 1405. This period also witnessed the emergence of Sheikh Noorruddin Noorani, Kashmir’s bearer saint, and Lal Ded, one of Kashmir’s most popular woman ascetics, whose campaign against idolatry is unprecedented in Kashmir history.

This period falls in the first phase of Kashmir Sultanate that Shahmir built in 1339 over the ruins of a Hindu empire. The Sultanate lasted around 191 years till 1530. Muslim rule was actually established by Ladakhi prince Rinchan, who effortlessly took over a headless, mourning Kashmir in 1320 after Dulchu wrecked the Vale. Three years later, a Hindu king succeeded him for five years but the administration was controlled by Shahmir family, who eventually founded the Sultanate.

What makes this period distinct is that faith started interrupting the power politics at a time when Kashmir was still a Hindu majority state with Muslim chunks in army and administration. Mir Syed Ali Hamadani and his son Mir Mohammad Hamadani were the two major players behind these interventions. This was perhaps because Shah-e-Hamadan, the most respected Islamic scholar of his time, came from Hamadan’s ruling family. His father was the city governor.

Even though the number of visits Amir-e-Kabir made to Kashmir has divided historians, it is generally believed that he came for four months in September 1372 and then left for Mecca. He then returned in 1379 to stay for almost two and a half years. His last visit to Kashmir was in 1383 and he stayed for almost a year.

Near Khanqah-e-Moala British colourist William Carpenter Junior (1818-1899) has drawn this picture during one of his three visits to Kashmir. the most Known was in 1853.

Near Khanqah-e-Moala British colourist William Carpenter Junior (1818-1899) has drawn this picture during one of his three visits to Kashmir. the most Known was in 1853.

“The most credible sources of the particular era talk of only one visit of the Amir,” Prof M Ashraf Wani, the author of Islam in Kashmir. “There is, however, a dispute over the duration of the visit between 80 days and six months.”

Historians perceive his last visit as the most consequential one since he led 700 people from Hamadan to Kashmir who eventually began working as missionaries and preachers, after settling in the valley. More than faith, they spearheaded a socio-cultural transformation of Kashmir.

Amir’s Migration

Amir-e-Kabir belonged to Alawi Sayyids who were facing problems due to Timur’s Iran takeover. Timur disliked the Sayyids who knew that circumstances may force them to migrate. In anticipation of his visit, Amir sent his cousins to Kashmir to explore if it was hospitable for missionary work, and possibly migration. The first cousin was Sayyid Tajuddin, who came in the reign of Sultan Shahabuddin (1354-73). The king built a Khanqah for him in Shahabuddin Pora in Srinagar and, according to historians, assigned revenues from Nagam village for the hospice’s maintenance. The Sultan visited him frequently. On his insistence, Tajuddin opened a few Darsgahs where Hadith and Fiqah were taught.

Later, Tajuddin invited his brother, Syed Hussain Simnani, who had already migrated to Delhi, to Kashmir along with his family and they settled in Kulgam. On his hand, Salat Sanz, Sheikh Noooruddin Noorani’s father converted to Islam. Syed Tajuddin is buried in Awantipore.

Amir followed his cousins to Kashmir. It was September 1372 and Shihabuddin was ruling Kashmir. But the Sultan was out, probably on an expedition against king of Ohind (now Attock Khurd), and Qutubuddin, in-charge ruler, writes Muhib-ul Hasan in his Kashmir Under the Sultans, went out with his chief officials and received the Amir with great warmth and respect, and brought him and his followers to the city. He started living in Alauddin Pora where a Suffa, a raised floor, was built for his prayers, which the Sultan would usually attend.

After staying in Kashmir for four months, the Amir left, and, according to G M D Sufi, the author of Kashir – Being a History of Kashmir, he visited the battleground and brought reconciliation between the two Muslim rulers.

It was his next visit in 1379 when Sultan Qutubuddin personally received him. Amir stayed for two and a half years, the longest of his three sojourns in Kashmir.

This lithograph drawn by James Duffield Harding (1798-1863) was an English landscape painter somewhere in 1847, shortly after Kashmir was sold under Treaty of Amritsar.

This lithograph drawn by James Duffield Harding (1798-1863) was an English landscape painter somewhere in 1847, shortly after Kashmir was sold under Treaty of Amritsar.

Then, kings were Muslims but the majority of the subjects were Hindus. Beliefs had changed but the customs and the traditions of the neo-converts were rooted in Hindu culture. Qutubuddin would wear the typical Hindu elite dress; perform a yagna to avert a famine, go to the Alaudin Pora temple every morning along with Muslims and had two sisters in his harem. Amir intervened. The Sultan divorced the older of the two sisters he had married, remarried the younger one in Islamic tradition, and started using the Muslim nobles dress.

Limited Intervention

A great scholar, Amir-e-Kabir would write in Persian and Arabic on a variety of subjects. He has authored nearly 170 books in his life. The manuscripts of around 20 of his Rasails are preserved in Oriental Research Department, Srinagar, according to Mohammad Hayat, who has extensively worked on Hamadani’s religious thought as part of his doctorate.

Historians have specially mentioned his Zakhirat-ul-Malook, a collection of his thoughts about routine life, politics, governance and the statecraft. Amir’s idea of Muslim rulers was that they should not be pleasing-all, dishonest, haughty rulers who would appoint cruel tax collectors or draw peoples’ attention by force and ignore ulema. He wanted them to be just and benevolent rulers who would address the needs of the Muslims before offering prayers, follow the Caliphs in dress and food, are polite with subjects, have a strong sense of good and bad, keep promises, and respect elders.

The Amir put the subjects into Muslims and Kafirs and gave the Muslim subjects 20 rights. Listed by Darakhshan Abdullah in Religious Policy of the Sultans of Kashmir (1320-1586), the Amir disliked the Muslim ruler listening trivial things against Muslim subjects or unnecessarily peeping into their faults. He wanted the ruler to pardon smaller offenders, avoid entering into Muslim homes without permission, not treat a wicked and civilised at par, encourage the rich to send poor on Haj on their behalf, take care of the poor, set up robber-free roads, lay bridges, build mosques, appoint Imam’s and pay them for their services, and implement lawful and prevent unlawful.

The book included a set of 20 rules about how the Sultan should handle zimins. Invoking an agreement of the Caliph Omar bin Khatab, the Amir wanted the Muslim ruler must disallow non-Muslims construction and repairing of temples, living near Muslims, burying their dead in Muslim graveyards, mourning loudly over a death, imitating Muslim dress, taking Muslim names, riding any house with saddles and bridles, putting swords, arrows and bows, exhibiting their rituals to Muslims, or using signet rings. Hindus, according to this doctrine, required a distinct dress, could not take a Muslim slave, or disrespect Muslims.

Not Delinked From Politics

“One of the significant contributions of Hamadani was, despite being a Sufi, he did not set himself aloof from politics or the government,” Mohammad Iqbal Rather writes in his doctoral thesis A Study of Islamic Political Thought of Mir Syed Ali Hamadani (1314-84). “He, apart from writing on political affairs of state, personally established contacts and wrote letters to the rulers of Kashmir for enlightening them with Islamic teachings and Shariah rulings, particularly regarding state affairs.”

Sultan Qutubuddin would routinely attend his sermons in Srinagar. Still, he received a letter from the Amir, possibly from Pakhli. “If the tempters lead the unbelievers towards evil, it is not surprising. What is surprising is that Muslims are running away from the true path in spite of God’s warning,” the Persian letter translated by A Q Rafiqui in his Letters of Mir Syed Ali Hamadani, reads. “Out of sheer love, I advice you that the worldly glamour is like a fast wind and the worldly favour is like an unfulfilled dream; He alone is wise who neither gets fascinated by dreams, not feels proud of any notion but learns a lesson from the experiences of bygone people, believing firmly in the axiom that ‘one who does not learn the examples of others, himself becomes an example for others’”.

“Hamadani, uniquely opines that a just ruler must be accompanied by a ‘Sufi reformer’ who would keep a check on the rulers,” writes Rather. “He suggests that the Sufi reformer should assist the ruler to keep the society free from injustice and rebellion and should always guide him in implementing the laws of Shariah. At the same time, Hamadani lays stress on the economic autonomy of the Ulama so that they may not work under the influence of the ruler and dictate the laws according to the wishes and whims of the rulers.”

“Anxious not to antagonise his non-Muslim subjects, Qutubuddin did not follow every advice of the Sayyid, but he held him in great reverence, and visited him every day,” Muhibul Hassan writes. “Sayyid Ali gave him a cap, which, out of respect, the Sultan always wore under his crown.” The Amir has not accepted any monetary help or royal gifts and is recorded to have earned his livelihood by making Kullah caps, one of which he had gifted to the king. He had stayed in a Saraie and not the palace. In his Sufism in Kashmir (14th to 16th Century), historian Dr Abdul Qayoom Rifiqui concludes: “Sayyid Ali’s political thought was altogether theoretical and had no bearing upon actual practice.”

Facilitating Faith

Sultans had the power at the core of their priorities. So they disagreed with the preachers on many counts. But they never stopped facilitating the preachers in spreading Islam. Many think that the thousand-odd Sayyids came as a sort of state-supported intervention in the spread of Islam in Kashmir that, till then, was organic. Every single migrant-preacher deployed on ground by the Amir was extended some sort of support by the Sultanate in Srinagar. Various Khanqahs were set-up and revenues from specific villages were assigned to their upkeep.

Some of the most prominent of the Amir’s followers were Sayyid Kamaluddin, the preacher whom Sultanate retained for guidance when the Amir decided to leave Kashmir. There was Sayyid Muhammad Kazim, aka Sayyid Qazi, Amir’s librarian (Lethpora), Sayyid Kabir Baihaqi (Srinagar), Sayyid Muhammad Balkhi aka Pir Haji Mohammad Qari, the scholar who would teach the royal family, lived and is buried in the Khanqah that history knows as Langherhat (Srinagar), Sayyid Mohammad Qureshi and Syed Abdullah, who were stationed in Vijayesvara (now Bejbehara), Sayyid Fakhruddin and Sayyid Rukunuddin (Avantipore).

An inside view of Khanqah Moula. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

An inside view of Khanqah Moula. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

The Sayyids’ entry came at a time when the ground had slipped away from Hinduism, and the situation was ripe for a change. Lal Ded, Kashmir’s most known acetic was Amir’s contemporary. She is recorded to have met his cousin in Kulgam.

“Men were intolerant, depraved and vicious, and women were no better than they could make of them,” Dr R K Parmu writes in A History of Muslim Rule in Kashmir (1320-1819) explaining how Lal Ded’s poetry ripped the society apart. “The people were generally made to believe in occultism, in magic, in stocks and stones, in springs, in rivers, in fact, in all the primitive forms of worship.” Parmu has written that the ascetic openly preached against this kind of worship. “The stone in the temple, she says, is no better than a millstone or the stone in a pavement,” Parmu wrote. “The idol is but a lump of stone and the temple the house of this lump.”

The rebellion within the caste-ridden society opened the doors for Islam.

“She preached harmony between Hindu Vedantism and Sufism,” Fehmida Wani writes in her excellent study The Search for Shared History of Mankind: A Case Study of the Technological and Cultural Transmission from Persia and Central Asia to Kashmir. “It benefited in the process of conversion.”

Sayyid Impact

With the state apparatus supportive and the society willing to change, how the immigrant Sayyids used the situation for Islam’s spread is something that historian may have to find answers for. So far, the narratives that have emerged in the last more than 600 years revolve more around ‘miracles’ and legends of the privileged preachers.

Islam, it needs to be mentioned, existed in Kashmir more than 200 years before the Ladakhi prince converted at the hand of Hazrat Sayyid Sharfuddin Abdur Rahman, the Bulbul Shah, in 1320. However, what was visible was that converts were rooted in the culture they had come from. That is perhaps why Tarikhi Kashmir insists that the Amir “cleaned the mirrors of the hearts of the converts of Kashmir from the rust of darkness by showing them the right path.”

Written by Sayyid Ali in 1579, historians see Tarikh-i Kashmir as the first Persian chronicle that details the migrations of the father and son along with 1000-odd murids who contributed in Islamising Kashmir culture.

Amir’s followers and disciples had come from the cradle of Muslim civilisation. Men of letters, they came with improved crafts and a sense of politics and history. Amir himself was a master Sozan Kar, a poet, an impressive prose writer and thinker. With access to the ruling structure, having some sort of economic tools in hand and logical explanations to the issues of faith, Sayyids obviously had an impact on the ground. They changed the culture forever.

The Aurad

Prof Mohammad Ishaq Khan, however, sees the situation differently. “It seems that Sayyid Ali’s stay in Kashmir was brief, not extending beyond one year. During this period, he remained the royal guest and, as such, his activities remained mainly confined to royal circles. He imparted lessons to the Sultan on God’s commands about the good works and evil,” Khan assesses in his magnum opus Kashmir’s Transition to Islam. “Besides engaging in some missionary activities in Alauddinpura and around the capital, he does not seem to have established any mass contacts. One wonders how, in view of the language barrier, a Sufi scholar like Sayyid Ali, would have made the esoteric as well as the exoteric version of Islam, as given by him in a plethora of works, intelligible to the Kashmiri masses.”

Syed Hassan Mantaqi shrine, Awantipora. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

Syed Hassan Mantaqi shrine, Awantipora. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

Khan, however, sees Hamadani’s major contribution in the Aurad-i-Fatḥiyyah. A grand mix of prayers, the praises for God, excerpts from the Quran, this Aurad has been an essential morning recitation in mosques for nearly 700 years now. It was Amir’s response to the pleas of neo-converts that the temple rings disrupt their morning prayers and they need something for loud joint recitation, something they had been doing for ages as Hindus. Khan sees it as “local influence” and “assimilation of the local mode of worship in the Islam of Kashmiris”.

“Islam, in no small measure, owes its success to his remarkable role which was distinguished by his tolerance towards the Kashmiris’ penchant for singing hymns aloud in temples,” Khan wrote. “The sight of a small number of people professing faith in Islam and simultaneously going to temples must have caused a great deal of concern to Sayyid Ali. But it goes to his credit that instead of taking a narrow view of the religious situation in Kashmir, he showed an acute discernment and a keen practical sense in grasping the essential elements of popular Kashmiri religious culture and ethos, and gave creative expression to these in enjoining his followers in the Valley to recite Aurad-i Fathiyya aloud in a chorus in mosques”

As the neo-converts chanted the Aurad, even the Hindu court historian Srivara was impressed: “It was here that the yavanas (Muslims) chanted mantras and looked graceful like the thousand lotuses with humming bees.”

But Ashraf insists that Amir’s contribution was in laying the foundations for the institutions of Islam in Kashmir. “Islam was spreading gradually before him and took a long time after him as well,” Ashraf said. “But the institutions of faith in Sufi systems were set up by him and his disciples.”

Departure

“After Sayyid had been for about a year in the Valley, he decided to leave,” Hassan writes about Amir’s eventual departure in 1383. “The sultan tried to persuade him to postpone his departure, but Sayyid refused, and departed with some of his followers, leaving behind Moulana Mohammad Bulkhi commonly called Mir Haji Mohammad, at the request of the sultan, to give him guidance in matters relating to the Sharia.”

People offering prayers outside Khanqah Moula. KL Image by Bilal Bahadur

People offering prayers outside Khanqah Moula. KL Image by Bilal Bahadur

Did the Amir leave because he was unhappy with the Sultan, who would still go to the temple and meet the Brahmins. “As chronicler Sayyid Ali (Tarikhi Kashmir) points out “a large majority of his subjects were kafir and most of his officials were polytheists” so for maintaining a cordial relation, he considered it necessary to follow such a policy,” writes Darakhshan. “It was on this ground that Qutubuddin did not follow every advice of Sayyid Ali regarding state matters. Dissatisfied with Sultan’s response to his directives, Sayyid Ali decided to leave Kashmir. He left via Baramulla with the intention of performing the pilgrimage.” Another contemporary history, Baharistan-e-Shahi also points out that Sultan could not oblige the Amir by implementing the Shariah.

Ishaq Khan, however, says that his departure was not the outcome of the alleged conflict with the Sultan. Amir had written favourably to the king, even after his departure. “Notwithstanding Sayyid Ali’s emphasis on following the Sharia, he seems to have allowed practical wisdom and expediency to guide him in his attitude towards the Sultan’s non-Muslim subjects in Kashmir rather than the model he had chosen in his general work for a Muslim Sultan to follow,” writes Khan. He continued writing letters to the Sultan. In one, he praised a devote Brahmin. “In another letter sent to the Sultan from Pakhli, Sayyid Ali urged him to leave no stone unturned in popularizing the Sharia, but only within the possible limits.”

But, at the same time, it was also a fact that Amir’s letter indicated the spread of Islam in Kashmir was still a work in progress. “Our souls can never live in peace and tranquillity even if all (our) ambitions get fulfilled,” the Amir wrote to Muhammad Khawarazim, who he had left in Kashmir. “But it is really surprising that how can one ever live peacefully in the land of infidels or feel contended where the wicked flourish and are provided support!”

(This is first of the three-part series on the socio-economic impact of the immigration of more than 1000 preachers and professionals that Amir-e-Kabir Mir Syed Ali Hamadani led to Kashmir during the initial years of the Kashmir Sultanate.)

Like Father, Like Son

$
0
0

A decade after Amir-e-Kabir’s departure, his son came with 300 preachers. But his nearly two-decade-long sojourn in Srinagar witnessed a chain of events, still being debated by history. Prior to his departure, however, he bestowed the leadership of Islam upon Sheikh Nooruddin Wali, reports Masood Hussain

An 1890 photograph of Khanqah and its adjoining homes taken from the banks of Jhelum.

An 1890 photograph of Khanqah and its adjoining homes taken from the banks of Jhelum.

The Islam preceded the Central Asian preachers in Kashmir. But it was peculiar – the monotheism was rooted in the local Hindu traditions.

Even after the Sayyids’ came and initiated a long time relationship with the ruling elite, also Muslims, nothing much changed. They corrected the robes of some rulers but could not go beyond a point. Rulers opened schools for teaching the Quran, funded hospices but did not take the orthodox preachers seriously in statecraft because their subjects, advisers and the bureaucracy was Hindu. Kings would marry Hindu women as it was an established medieval norm of staying connected with the majority. They believed in witchcraft and routinely performed homa ceremonies over new births, with only one correction, a pir would replace a Brahmin priest. Qutubuddin had a son in old age and he saw it as the blessing of a Hindu yogi.

This was as truer with Sultan Shihabuddin (1354-73) as it was with Sultan Qutubuddin (1373-89), the two kings with whom the Amir-e-Kabir had direct access to. Both held Shah-e-Hamadan high with respect.

The Amir left Kashmir and died in 1383. Six years after his departure, Qutubuddin also died. For almost a decade, no major Sayyid came to Kashmir. But those who had accompanied the Amir had grown quite an impressive lot.

Sikander, Qutubuddin’s minor orphan, had to wait for many years till he grew up and understood the job. By then, he had lost his younger brother, Haibat, to the palace intrigue. His mother, Queen Sura who actually succeeded her husband and operated as a Reagent for many years had ordered the execution of her daughter and son-in-law, to protect Sikander’s rightful inheritance, the throne. Finally, when Sikander took over, he avenged the killing of his brother and fought some small battles to keep the kingdom in order.

The Son Arrives

In 1393, Mir Muhammad Hamadani came to Srinagar. He is reported to have led a batch of 300 Sayyids to Kashmir. “His arrival and subsequent interest in the development of Islam can really be considered a turning point in the history of Islam,” Darakhshan Abdullah writes in Religious Policy of Sultans. “His teachings have had far-reaching consequences on Sultan Sikandar and the Kashmiri society as well.”

When a young Sultan Sikander received him warmly in Srinagar, Mir was 22. Sayyid Ali, the Tarikh-e-Kashmir author, perhaps the only major source of information about the arrival of the Central Asian preachers, commented: “He purified the hearts and minds of people and removed traces of infidelity from them.”

Mohibul Hassan insists Sikandar was able, brave, generous, and a caring ruler who rolled back “oppressive taxes” and established schools and hospitals. He “abstained from wine and other intoxicants” and “on religious grounds he did not listen to music”; banned “all the gay celebrations” and “never indulged in extra-marital relations”. He had taken Mira, daughter of Ohind ruler, as his wife and later married Sobha Devi. Mira was a mother to his three sons and Devi to two sons and two daughters.

An 1868 photograph of Martan temple in Mattan outskirts.

An 1868 photograph of Martand temple in Mattan outskirts.

“Sikandar was a great patron of learned men and Sufis, and during his reign, many of them came to Kashmir from Persia and Central Asia,” Hassan has recorded in Kashmir Under The Sultans, a major work on Kashmir Sultanate. “The Sultan treated them with respect, and gave them jagirs which could be inherited by their descendants.” Those who entered Kashmir in his reign included former Qazi of Shiraz, Sayyid Hasan; Isfahan author, Sayyid Ahmad; Khwarizm poet Sayyid Muhammad; Bukhara saint, Syed Jalaluddin, who came along with his followers, Baba Haji Adham, and Baba Hasan. Given their expertise, some of them were given jobs – the Qazi from Shiraz became Qazi of Kashmir. Sayyid Hussain Khwarazmi was appointed tutor to the two princes including Zainulabidin.

The arrival of Amir’s son was a game-changer. Quickly, the Sultan ordered the construction of a Khanqah, at the same place where the Suffa was created for the Amir, a decade back. The first Waqf was created in Kashmir’s history as the king allotted the village of Wachi, Tral and Mattan to the Khanqah where a lunghar (community kitchen) would operate and poor would be taken care of.

The Khanqah was located near Kali Mandir. This has a written document detailing the possession. “The endowment deed of this Khanqah, dated 11 January 1399, and signed and sealed by Sayyid Muhammad Hamadani, the son and successor of Sayyid Ali Hamadani, is a document of great historical significance,” Dr R K Parmu wrote in A History of Muslim Rule in Kashmir (1320-1819). “It shows the earliest limits of the Khanqah, the purpose of its foundation, and the means of its maintenance. It is the earliest available document showing the origin of the institution of Awqaf in the Muslim ecclesiastical system in Kashmir.”

The emerging situation had angered the court historian, Jonaraja, who explained the immigration of Muslims into Kashmir like “locusts enter a good field of corn”. Entries in his Rajatarangni suggest his extreme unhappiness over the association between the king and the preacher.

“It was perhaps owing to the sins of the subjects that the king had a fondness for Yavanas, even as a boy has a fondness for mud. Many Yavanas left other sovereigns and took shelter under the king who was renowned for charity, even as bees leave the flowers and settle on elephants.” Yavanas and Mleechhas are the various names that Kashmir’s Hindu historians have used to mention Muslims.

An undated photograph of Kashmiri singers performing in a private function.

An undated photograph of Kashmiri singers performing in a private function.

The routine of the king changed. Recorded Jonaraja: “The King waited on him daily as humble as a servant, and like a student, he daily took his lessons from him. He placed Mahammada before him and was attentive to him like a slave. As the wind destroys the trees and the locusts the Shali crop, so did the yavanas destroy the usages of Kashmira. Attracted by the gifts and honours which the king bestowed, and by his kindness, the mleechhas entered Kashmira, even as locusts enter a good field of corn.”

Hamdani Jr is recorded to have gifted the king a Badakshan ruby – after the Khanqah construction and authored Risala-i-Sikandari, a book about Sufism, for the king.

Key Conversion

Of the few people who were Sikander’s most confidants’ was Suha Bhatta, literally his army chief and the Chief Minister. In association with Mir Hamadani, he converted to Islam and took the name Malik Saifuddin. Soon after his conversion to Islam, when Mir Hamadani’s wife, Bibi Taj Khatoon (daughter of Sayyid Husain Baihaqi) died, Malik gave him his daughter Subiya Razia in marriage. This cemented a new relationship between the king’s mentor and spiritual guide and his army chief. Suha’s interventions have remained the key criticism of Sikander so far.

Situation shifted in Kashmir quite soon. Sikander announced the implementation of Sharia in the kingdom. “He banned the use of wine and other intoxicants, and prohibited gambling, the dancing of women and the playing of musical instruments like the flute, lute, guitar, allowing only the playing of drum and fife for military purposes,” details Muhibul Hassan, insisting these measures were adopted by Sikandar under the influence of Sayyid Muhammad Hamadani. “It was also due to his advice that the Sultan imposed two pals of silver as Jaziya upon the non-Muslims, and prohibited Sati and the application of qashqa (tilak).” Hassan sees Suha Bhatta as Sikander’s “evil genius”.

Terming the conversion as Hamadani’s “most significant achievement”, Darakhshan insists that by then converts to Islam were coming from low castes. “This singular conversion provided a new base to the process of proselytisation – to win over more and more high caste Hindus, Suha Bhatta applied the force of motivation and necessary persecution.”

“The king forgot his kingly duties and took delight day and night in breaking images. The good fortune of the people left them – there was no city, no town, no village, no wood, where Suha, the Turshika left the temples of gods unbroken,” Jonaraja recorded in his memoir about Kashmira. “Of the images which once had existed, the name alone was left.”

An image of an organised Srinagar city. This Srinagar was visible from the Jamia Masjid.

An image of an organised Srinagar city. This Srinagar was visible from the Jamia Masjid.

Tarikah-i-Kashmir also mentions various instances including that of the demolition of a “huge temple” in Sikanderpora to pave way for setting up of Jamia Masjid. “In fact, in every village and town, where a temple existed it was demolished, at the behest of Sayyid Muhammad Hamadani and a mosque built in its place,” Sayyid Ali writes in his history that was rendered into English by noted historian Dr Abdul Qayum Rafiqi. “Thus, Kashmir became like a paradise.”

Most of the historians, however, see Sikander’s so-called iconoclasm as an outcome of his ‘turn court’ deputy’s personal war against his community. Jonaraja has recorded at length about demolitions, insisting that after demolishing the temples, Suha “felt the satisfaction which one feels on recovering from illness”. Historians, however, see the accounts of temple destruction exaggerated because the rulers who succeeded Sikander did find major temples intact. Interestingly enough, Shoba Devi, his queen, constructed a Shiva temple with a golden linga. How could a bout-shikan permit it?

Sikander was like his predecessors, initially. Liberal Sultan had three key aides – Suha Bhat, Udaka and Shankra, all Hindus. The change came only after Suha Bhat converted and Mir Muhammad Hamadani started advising on state affairs.

Over the centuries, Kashmir society has evolved many legends to explain Suhabhatta’s behaviour. One day, a legend says, Bhatta fell ill and was taken to a Khurasani Hakim who prescribed him mutton soup. The vegetarian Brahmin sought permission from his community and was granted. Later, however, his community said Bhatta was polluted and the family became impure. His daughter did not get a match in the Hindu community, the legend suggests. She later married Mir Muhammad Hamadani and died within a year of the nikkah.

The Builder Rises

While his deputy was busy managing the new converts to the new faith, the king started building the physical infrastructure for it. After establishing the Sikanderpora, he laid the foundation stone for the Khanqah, the first one in Srinagar. In 1398, he started constructing the Jamia Masjid Srinagar which, R C Kak, the author of Ancient Monuments in Kashmir, insists was completed in 1402. Interestingly, it was one of the followers of Mir Syed Ali Hamadani, Sadruddin Khurasani who gave the architectural lay-out for the grand mosque of Kashmir.

Insisting that there was no parallel to the Jamia Masjid in the world at that point in time, Sayyid Ali, the historian, has offered some basic information about the construction. “One of the architects of the mosque was Khawaja Sadruddin who hailed from Khurasan and had come (to Kashmir) with Sayyid Muhammad Hamadani,” the Tarikh-i-Kashmir has recorded. “He was accomplished in the art of construction. Another architect, Sayyid Muhammad Loristani, who had (also) perfected the art of construction, completed this grand construction in three years, together with the local artisans. It was completed in 804/1401.”

Mohibul Hassan lists a number of other constructions in Kashmir that were crucial to the king’s faith: a mosque each in Bijbehara, spring of Bavan; Khanqah’s at Vachi, Tral, Sopore; besides, laying the foundation for the Idgah in Srinagar. Some of the projects were completed by his son, Ali Shah, one of the weakest Sultans.

Rising Reactions

With the spread of Islam and the rising infrastructure for the new faith, another development was almost simultaneous: the reaction to the abusing of authority in matters of faith. The Rishis’, operating mostly outside Srinagar, were unhappy with it. Interestingly, however, Sheikh Noorudin Noorani has sung in Sikander’s praise.

But the differences started within the ulema circuit closer to the dubar. Sayyid Ali’s Tarikh-i-Kashmir, the oldest book detailing the arrival of Sayyids, mentions a mystic named Sayyid Mohammad Hissari. A resident of Hisar, possibly in Punjab, he had come to Kashmir during Sikander’s reign, slightly ahead of Sayyid Muhammad Hamadani’s arrival. The king, according to Tarikh-i-Kashmir had constructed a house for the mystic near his palace and would routinely visit him. However, after the Hamadani’s arrival, the king became his literal disciple. This could have been a personal conflict between the two learned men. Sayyid Ali has given a lot of detail of this tension.

Rafiqi, in the introduction to Sayyid Ali’s history, which he rendered into English, has insisted that the two great godly men would not have a strained relationship for personal reasons but could differ only on ideological issues.

“Saiyid Hisari told the Sultan that he was (now) frequently visiting a young lad, who was a less educated person, whereas he very seldom visited a grey-bearded man like him,” Tarikh-i-Kashmir has recorded, insisting Hamadani turned very sad when he heard it. Then in the sleep, his father appeared and told him: “I had advised you that you must first acquire scholastic knowledge and then alone embark upon the journey. Since you did not complete your education (before undertaking the travels) that is why you had to face this type of situation.”

The two men reconciled their differences. But Mir Muhammad Hamadani had decided to proceed on Haj. After more than 18 years, he left Kashmir. He performed Haj and returned to Khatlan where he died and was laid to rest near the grave of the Amir.

Policy Shift

After Hamadani departure, the so-called iconoclast reshaped his policy. Insists Jonaraja: “Though the King Shri Shikandhara was often instigated by Suha to persecute the twice-born, he, whose purpose was tempered by kindness, fixed with some difficulty, a limit to the advance of the great sea of the Yavana.”

Various historians have mentioned that the Sultan repaired some of the temples. In a twentieth-century discovery, a sculpture was found at Ganesh Mandir in Srinagar that bears a “dedicatory description” to Sultan Sikandar in Sharda script. Though the contemporary Kashmir is separated from Medieval Kashmir by more than 600 years, the temple demolitions, if any, are still being used and abused to prove a narrative.

Nund Reshi Takes Over

The Tarikh-e-Kashmir author was fully aware of the existence of a strong Rishi movement. Seemingly, he was highly impressed by Sheikh Nooroudin Noorani and his team of Rishis and has gone to an extent in highlighting their spiritual powers. He was also privy to a series of interactions between Mir Muhammad Hamadani and the Sheikh and has referred to various investigations that the former did in understanding the latter.

However, he has not given many details about the landmark meeting that the two exalted Muslims had at Zalsu, near Chrar-e-Sharief on Rajab 15, 814 AH (November 1411). It is the same village where Sheikh had started a centre for the education of women.

Unlike Sayyid Ali, details of the event have not been missed by history. In fact, Sheikh has personally recorded it in his verses.

“It is significant that his decision to pay a personal visit to the Rishi was not liked by some of his Sayyid followers mainly due to two reasons,” writes Prof M Ishaq Khan in his magnum opus Kashmir’s Transition To Islam. “First, as already stated, the asceticism of Nuruddin was repugnant to their Shari’a -oriented lifestyle, and second, contrary to the Sunna the Sayyids were highly conscious of their pedigrees.”

An 1886 photograph of the Mazar-e-Salateen where popular Sultan Zainulabidin is buried.

An 1886 photograph of the Mazar-e-Salateen where popular Sultan Zainulabidin is buried.

But when the leader decided to go to Zalsu, everybody followed. In fact, Sheikh-ul-Aalam came out to greet and receive them. There, in the meeting the discussions took place. Interestingly, two exalted women disciples of Sheikh attended the meeting and participated in the discussions. At the end of it, Khat-e-Irshad was issued in which Mir Muhammad Hamadani respected the institution of Rishis, permitted the Chila, a peculiar style of self purity through isolation, and accepted Sheikh as a Wali. The document is seen as the formal induction of Sheikh into the Kubrawi order following which he took over as the leader of the movement of Islam in Kashmir at a time when Muslims were in a minority. It was in this backdrop that, till recently, as even Khan mentioned, the devotees from Srinagar city would go to attend the yearly Urs of Sheikh under the leadership of the custodian of Khanqah-e-Moala.

Khat-e-Irshad was discussed by various historians but its rediscovery is recent. It is one of the various vital documents that are in possession of the Khanqah mujawirs and needs to be immediately protected and digitization. Besides, there are a series of royal decrees by Mughals and Afghans that are, according to insiders, on the verge of being lost. These documents have survived the 1995 fire in which Chrar-e-Sharief town was destroyed along with the shrine but may be lost to termites. Khat-e-Irshad is signed by the two exalted souls and carries a seal of Sultan Sikandar, the so-called iconoclast.

It is not clear, however, whether the meeting was the outcome of the efforts of the Sultan Sikander or Mir Muhammad Hamadani or both. But it was inevitable in wake of Hamadani’s decision to leave Kashmir. What is more important was that he avoided being succeeded by a Sayyid, perhaps knowing the difficulties in their style and the popularity of Sheikh almost everywhere excepting parts of Srinagar city, the centre of power.

Historians are divided over the date when Mir Muhammad Hamadani left Kashmir. Muhibul Hassan says Mir left after being in Kashmir for 12 years, which is incorrect. Khan says he left after spending 18 years in Kashmir, which is closer to reality because the year Khat-e-Irshad was issued, completed his 18 years of stay in Kashmir. But Sheikh specialists like Asadullah Afaaqi, in his Hayat-e-Sheikh-ul-Aalam, insist that after the Zalsu declaration, Mir Muhammad Hamadani supervised the overall activities for three years and left in 817 AH (1414), which means a year after Sultan Sikander’s death.

With this document, the leadership of Islam in Kashmir returned to the local residents, the Rishis. In a quick follow-up, they got support from the Alawis, Kubrawis and the Suhurwardis. Despite all this, Sheikh did not compromise with the ruling elite. The tensions between the Sultans and the Sheikh remained. Sultans’ continued supporting the exalted Sayyids, funding the shrines and the mosques, but Khat-e-Irshad de-controlled the process of spread of Islam. Even after taking control of the movement, it still took Muslims a lot of effort to improve their numbers. “In reality, it was not until the end of the fifteenth century that a majority of the inhabitants of the valley had embraced Islam,” concludes Muhibul Hassan.

(This is the second of the three-part series of the crucial 33 years of Islam in medieval Kashmir. Read the first part here)


Converting Kashmir

$
0
0

Kashmir’s transition to Islam has multiple stakeholders over a long period of time. But for converting Kashmir into an Iran-e-Sageer, little Iran, by making Persian language, culture, practices and trends popular in a Hindu-majority society, only the Muslim immigrants led by Hamadani father and son are solely responsible. They re-created a new social order on the ruins of a caste-ridden society, reports Masood Hussain

Khanqah at Sopore.

Khanqah at Sopore. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

Kashmir’s transition to Islam was a work in progress for not less than four centuries. Contribution to the process was diverse. It came from different classes: job-hunters, traders, rulers, missionaries, the immigrants, and the local Rishis.

“Although there were three or four mosques in this land, no Azaan was given and no congregation prayers were offered,” chronicler Sayyid Ali writes in his Tarikh-i-Kashmir while detailing the arrival of Amir-e-Kabir Mir Syed Ali Hamadani. The book was written in 1579. “The five daily prayers and Friday prayers were for the first time established and offered on the platform which had been raised at the place of a monastery.”

Cultural Shift

But the contribution of the immigrant Sayyids’ was beyond the Azaan and the conversion. They helped change the local culture and improve it to suit the monotheism they preached. With their arrival, not only the concept of sacred and profane did change, but the kitchen and wardrobe also changed. They helped change the systems of interaction and engagement. They helped a struggling Persian to takeover Sanskrit as the court-language and opened a new era for the Kashmiri intellectual whose works started echoing in Persia.They brought their own crafts in and Kashmir embraced them in such a way that Cashmere became Kashmir’s real identity. Within a few decades of their arrival, Kashmir’s entire lifestyle changed.

“It is erroneously assumed that Sayyid Ali was accompanied by 700 Sayyids whose functions merely revolved around the religious axis,” FehmidaWani writes in her doctoral thesis The Search For Shared History of Mankind: A Case Study of the Technological and Cultural Transmission from Persia and Central Asia to Kashmir. “The fact is that this group of 700 followers comprised the people belonging to different professions so as to ensure not only a safe and convenient journey from distant lands to Kashmir and a comfortable stay in the Valley, accustomed as they were to a particular lifestyle, but also to translate their agenda of spreading Islam and Islamic culture into reality.”

With him, Shah-e-Hamadan brought his huge library that was maintained by a Kitabwar, the librarian, Sayyid Kazim. Some of them operated as Tabibs and Hakeems as well, indicating that they had some knowledge about Muslim medicine also. They dovetailed Islam from the Arab world with the rich Central Asian culture and experimented in a space which was hungry for social intervention.

They set up schools where the religion was taught. In his Islamic Culture in Kashmir, G M Sufi has quoted from Tarikh-i-Kabir that Sultan Sikander had appointed a Bokhara scholar Moulana Afzal as head of the grand college opposite to the great mosque.

Crafts and Economy

The crafts the immigrants brought with them gave them the status of a giver and teacher. It might have contributed to their appeal for the spread of a new faith. The Amir’s emphasis on earning through lawful means and making it part of the faith broke the stagnation of Kashmir’s economy.

“Shawl Bafi (shawl making) is still known in Kashmir as Kar-i-Amiri (the Amir’s work) undoubtedly because of its relation with the Amir-e-Kabir,” Mohammad Iqbal Rather notes in his doctoral thesis A Study of Islamic Political Thought of Mir Sayyid Ali Hamadani (1314-84 AD). “By this process of bringing new sciences, culture and values from Iran to Kashmir, Hamadani helped in fostering the unique socio-cultural and religious ambience of Kashmir.”

Rather says certain crafts existed in Kashmir but were on the decline. He credits the Amir with the introduction of Hamam Dari, Kafsh Dozi, Dozandgi, Kabab Pazi, Harisa Pazi, Ḥalwa Pazi, Gilkari, Zargari, Ṣahafi, Qalin Bafi, Kagaz Sazi, Qalamdan Sazi, Ḥakaki, Sozan Kari, Pashmin Sazi, and Jild Sazi. The first community Hamam, for instance, was set up in the Khanqah-e-Moala. It is the only place in Kashmir where a Hamam operates on the first floor. Normally Hamams operate in the ground floors. “He used Islamic ethos as a means of human development,” Rather concludes.

New Jobs

Fehmida has listed the names of the professionals and the localities of Srinagar that survives till date as an undisputed impact of the central Asian immigrants. “Thus one finds a Persian or Central Asian nanwai (baker), qassab (butcher), bawerchi (cook), khiyat (tailor), naddaf (cotton dresser), nassaj (weaver), allaf (com chandler) and a host of 18 other professionals hugging a Khanaqah,” she writes.

Khanqah at Tral.

Khanqah at Tral. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

The occupational krams (castes) buttress the same argument: Chikin (embroider), Sheshagar (mirror maker), Jild-saz (book-binder), Kaghaz-saz (paper manufacture), Khattat (calligraphist), Qalin-baf (carpet weaver), Shawl-baf (shawl weaver), Nalaband (fierier), Allaqaband (braider), hakkak (lapidary), Roshangar (polisher), Naqqash (painter), Naqati (dot maker), Zargar (goldsmith), Sazagar (equilizer), Shanagar (maker of shawl wear’s loom), Sekhgar (maker of skews), Ranggar (dyer), rafugar (fine darner), Hakim (doctor), Suhaf (book-binder), chettagar (maker of chintz), Kachgar (mirror maker), Kozagar (cup maker), Zaz (maker of musical instruments), and Jalakdoz (embroider).

Well before the fall of Shahmiris, Srinagar city had localities known for clear cut professions: Naiband-purfor ferries, Kamangar-purfor bow makers, Bunduk-Khar Muhalla for musket makers, Jildgar Muhalla for bookbinders, Qalamdan-purfor pen case makers, Shesha-gar-purfor glassmakers, Chinkral Muhalla for China pot makers, Sazgar-purfor shawl making, Roshangar Muhalla for polishers, Chetta-gar Muhalla for cloth printers, Kachgar-pur for glass artisans, Sarraf Kadal for bankers, and Shora-gar Muhalla for gun-powder makers.

Suiting Sultanate

The immigrants suited the Sultans who had to consolidate their empire with the majority of subjects as Hindus. Facilitating the spread of the faith they also belonged to become an ideal way of creating an affinity with the subjects.

“Sultan Sikandar realized that Islam is one of the main bases for political unity and strength,” believes Fehmida. “And the Sultan Sikandar felt that Sayyids are the main figures among his subjects those deserve for his legitimacy and loyalty. So with the growing speed of Islam in Kashmir, it strengthened the State more.” She believes, the Sayyids made “social basis strong for the Sultanate”.

Barring one exception, Sultans never got involved in conversions. They, however, facilitated the preachers. Apart from helping them create their centres for preaching, they ensured these centres have adequate income. They also started offering huge estates to the Sayyids in the city and the periphery.

Bestowing Lands

The chain of preachers remained busy in spreading Islam after the demise of Bulbul Shah in 1327. “His mission of spreading the message of Islam was carried on by his disciple Mulla Ahmad, till the reign of Sultan Shihabuddin (1354-73),” writes Surayia Gull in her Development of Kubraviya Sufi Order in Kashmir with Special reference to Mir Saiyid Ali Hamadani. “Thereafter the D’awa work was carried on by other Sufis like Saiyid Jalaluddin of Bukhara and SayidTajuddin, during the reign of Shihabuddin. They were accompanied by Saiyid Masud and Saiyid Yusuf.” It was only after them that Mir Saiyid Ali Hamadani came in the picture.

The granting of land estates to the Sayyids started during the reign of Sultan Qutub-ud-Din (1373-89). “The Chitar region in the pargana Khourpora was granted to Sayyid Jamal-ud-Din Atai and the villages of Sepora and its adjoining areas in pargana Vihi was given to Sayyid Firruz, the area of Naidkhai was granted to Sayyid Kamal, and the area of Lethpora was given to Mir Sayyid Kazim,” Fahmida has recorded. “Mir Sayyid Rukun-ud-Din and Mir Sayyid Fakhr-ud-Din were the two brothers and they were granted the Olar pargana. Sayyid Jamal-ud-Din, who was well educated in the Islamic theology, lived at Srinagar, and he took the responsibility of a counsellor to the Sultan at the time of his necessity. The area of Bijbihara along with other facilities was granted to Mir Sayyid Muhammad Qurashi and Mir Sayyid Muhammad Abdullah.”

These Sayyids who in most of the cases passed on these land estates to their families, are all buried in the respective places, Fehmida insists quoting the source Shajrah-e-Sadaat-e-Kashmir. Adds Rafiqi: “Not only the Sultans, even their queens at times made grants, both in cash and kind, to the shrines to earn religious merit.”

“It was through this process that large sections of the rural poor owed allegiance to them for having controlled their social and economic life,” Bashir Ahmad Sheikh has quoted The State in Medieval Kashmir saying in his scholarly work The Impact of Sufism on the Socio-Economic and Cultural Conditions of the Jammu & Kashmir (16th-18thC). “Particularly when the Sayyids retained control of large proportions of cultivable waste in areas like Vihi, Nagam, Sepora, Tral, Nunwani, Chitar, Avanmpora, Naidhai, Martand, Bijbehara, Khurpora, Lar, Pakh, Vachi, Soura, Kulgam, Biru and various other areas.”

Sultan Sikander continued with the process of keeping the preachers on the right side of his priorities. Tarikh-e-Kashmir graphically describes the settlement of three immigrant brothers – Sayyid Alauddin, Sayyid Fakhruddin and Sayyid Tajuddin, the mureed’s of Hamadani Jr and the offsprings of the celebrated Sayyid Jalaluddin Bukhari. “At the behest of Syed Muhammad Hamadani, the revenue of the village of Sikanderpora, paragna Beru were assigned to them by Sultan Sikandar for their maintenance,” Sayyid Ali had recorded. “All three were married and settled down in the village.”

Apart from the evolution of a physical structure on the Suffa that had earlier been granted to the Amir, the appointment of Sheikh-ul-Islam was a major intervention. Khanqah apart, the Sultan set aside the revenues of a separate pargna at the disposal of the Sayyid for his personal use.

“It was a department of ecclesiastical and judiciary and a number of villages and hamlets from each pargana were reserved and granted for that noble post,” Bashir Ahmad Sheikh writes. “Hence for this purpose that from the income of these villages granted for this post, that stipends and alms could be distributed among the Qazis, learned Sayyids, the mendicants, the needy, travellers and to the pilgrims according to their needs properly.”

Khanqah at Pampore. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

Khanqah at Pampore. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

The outcome of these interventions was anybody’s guess. “The Sayyids in the medieval society of Kashmir strengthened their position by making contacts with different social groups in the society to their own orders,” Bashir insists. “They almost dominated all fields of the human society and evolved into a landed aristocracy, through the royal patronage of the Shahmir Sultans they got influenced by the implicit in Muslim notions of status, wealth and respect almost naturally provided to them.”

Marriages and Families

This close association between the immigrants and the host population was supposed to create relations. Unlike Kashmiri Rishis who escaped from life to the caves and mountains at one point of time, the immigrant Sayyids raised families wherever they settled. Within Srinagar and outside, they had a huge spread. They would preach Islam in the Khanqahs and the mosques. At home, they would be cultural beings.

“There is profuse evidence that these preachers married local girls,” Fehmida has quoted Tuhfat al-Ahbab recording. “These matrimonial relations forged a wonderful cultural synthesis. While these settlers were greatly influenced by their local wives, an equal quantum of reverse influence cannot be doubted.”

Normally these marriages took place between the Sayyids and the local elites. Even some of the immigrants started marrying into the Sultans. Suha Batta, who later became Malik Saifuddin, gave his daughter to the Amir’s son, Mir Muhammad Hamadani. She, however, died a year later.

Sayyid Muhammad Bahaiqi had entered Kashmir during Sikander’s reign. The family settled in Beerwa’s Kandahama village. His daughter married Sultan Sikandar’s son, who eventually became the great Kashmir king, Zain-ul-Abidin, the Budshah. History knows her as Vodha Khatona or Baihaqi Begum. “Later, Hayat Khatun, the daughter of Saiyid Hasan, the son of Saiyid Muhammad Baihaqi, was married to Sultan Hasan Shah (1472-84),” Prof Abdul Qayoom Rafiqi, records in the introduction to the Tarikh-e-Hassan translation. “The family relations with the ruling house helped the Baihaqi Saiyids to obtain important positions in the state administration and they also took an active part in the intrigues and rebellions, which followed the death of Sultan Hasan Shah.”

New Caste System

But the preacher arrivals had its flip-side too. They had come to spread the faith in a caste-ridden society where inequality was the norm. They ended up creating a new social order that introduced new inequalities. The immigrants, apparently because of knowledge of the faith and access to the power started commanding a higher position in Kashmir’s social stratification.

For the spread of Islam, there were two movements going on – one by the powerful Rishis who literally held the entire periphery of Kashmir, and the central Asian preachers who dominated the Srinagar city and some of the key sub-urban belts.

The immigrants had an elevated sense of their pedigree and most of them were invoking their lineage with the prophet and emphasising over it. “He (the author of Tarikh-i-Kashmir) criticises them for their arrogant behaviour and accuses them of ‘big brother attitude’,” Rafiqi writes. “He points out that they were proud of their high lineage and family pedigree and as such did not treat the Kashmiri nobles with honour and dignity.”

Sayyids were unimpressed by the endemic movement to the extent that when Mir Muhammad Hamadani decided to pay Sheikh Nooruddin a visit at Zalsu, a strong section of the Sayyids opposed it. They saw the Sheikh as Mard-e-Nadaan, an illiterate man. They fell in line only after Hamadani Jr overruled them. This is the key factor why Sheikh has said a lot about the Ulema and the Mulla in his poetry, not because they disliked him but because they were discriminatory towards the host population.

This led to scathing criticism of the “group of Sayyids” by the Kubrawi ulema like Khawaja Habibullah Naushahri, who revealed the trend in various verses. “Out of sheer vanity, (they) claimed to be the descendants of the Prophet,” writes Rafiqi. “So proud were they of their descent that they are said to have passed derogatory remarks about Nuruddin. The main reason for such unbecoming behaviour was their concern over the Rishi’s extreme ascetic habits under the influence of Hinduism.”

“Their malicious mind, arrogance, hypocrisy and pursuit of material gains at the cost of spiritual benefits were so horrifying to him (Sheikh) that he even urged his followers to seek the refuge of Allah at the mere sight of an Alim,” Kashmir’s foremost historian on the subject, Prof M Ishaq Khan, wrote in his magnum opus Kashmir’s Transition to Islam. “In his view, there was no more horrifying and utterly convincing representation of deadly evil than the Ulama with factious spirit emanating from their false learning and pride. Addressing such Ulama in the severest terms, Nuruddin warned that none of them would obtain salvation on the Day of judgement.”

So said the Sheikh:

[By] displaying the caste in the world,
What will thou gain?
Into dust will turn the bones,
When the earth envelopes the body:
To utter disgrace will he come,
Who, forgetting himself, jeers at others

Was this the reason for Sheikh wielding more influence? Notes Prof Khan: “Not only in devotion but also in respect of esoteric knowledge, Sayyid Ali did not find any parallel to Nuruddin in Kashmir. This shows that Nuruddin had begun to wield greater influence among the Kashmiris than even Sayyid Ali Hamadani and Sayyid Muhammad Harnadani.”

Though Khat-i-Irshad managed the transfer of the leadership, things did not change for many centuries. The social order remained unchanged as well-read and wealthy immigrants would be able to manage the subsequent regimes better than the vast host peasantry would ever do. The social status they carved for themselves during the initial days of their settlement did not change ever. This was despite the fact that a few generations later, the progeny of the Sayyids got busy with diverse professions but they retained the control over the matters of faith. In most of the cases, their ancestors were laid to rest in demarcated graveyards on which their followers constructed tombs, locally called Rouza. These structures continue to be the spots of frequent assembly and the resultant commerce goes to certain families. Right to claim the income is sort of inheritance.

Interesting Protocol

In his Kashmir Under Sultans, Prof Mohibul Hassan has offered a detailed narrative about the social stratification that existed during the Sultanate. Nobles were playing second fiddle to the king as the religious class was enjoying No 3 status. This class was dominated by the Ulema, the Sayyids and the Sufis.

Jamia Masjid Shopian. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

Jamia Masjid Shopian. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

Ulemas, the most respected category comprised Qazis, Muftis and the Shaikh-ul-Islam and most of them were foreigners. Somehow the families retained this status. “The Kashmiri Ulama after studying at the feet of some learned and pious man in Srinagar proceeded to Samarqand, Heraat or Mecca, and returned after having undergone a course of training abroad,” writes Hassan. “It was only then that they were regarded as full-fledged jurists.”

Owing to their descent from the prophet, Sayyids enjoyed “a special sanctity” and special respect as kings and nobles “conferred upon them all kinds of privileges”. In the order of priority, Pirs with their Murids followed the Ulema even though they exercised greater social and religious influence. Rishis were the last in the order. They lived in self-denial, stayed away from power politics, were widely followed in the periphery, far away from the palaces of Srinagar and voiced their concern against the oppression. Though the Sultans sung in praise of their spiritual guides, they could not do justice with the people on primary labour issue. `

During most of the Sultanate, Mohibul Hassan insists that Begaar, the forced labour continued. “In fact, from the time of Shihabuddin, it was exacted even from the Hanjis who were required to serve the king seven days in every month. Besides transport, compulsory labour was also taken for collecting saffron. Under the Shah Mirs, men were forcibly employed to separate the saffron from the petals and the stamens, and for this, they were given a certain quantity of salt as wages.”

(This is the last of the three part series on the socio-economic impact of the immigration of more than 1000 preachers and professionals that Amir-e-Kabir Mir Syed Ali Hamadani and his son Mir Muhammad Hamadani led to Kashmir during the initial years of the Kashmir Sultanate. You can read the first part of the series here and the second part here.)

The Haj Economy

$
0
0

Almost every year, more than 30,000 Muslims go on Haj and Umrah pilgrimages from Jammu and Kashmir and spend more than Rs 750 crore. The sector that manages this sliver of pilgrim tourism has immense potential of growth if the policymakers intervene to take it to the next level, Masood Hussain reports

Hajj pilgrims collecting their luggage at Haj House Srinagar. KL Image by Bilal Bahadur

Hajj pilgrims collecting their luggage at Haj House Srinagar. KL Image by Bilal Bahadur

Gradually, the Makkah pilgrimage, mandatory on every Muslim who can afford it, is gradually emerging a major economic event in Kashmir. With the government and the private players managing part of the Haj and the subsequent Umrah journeys, this is emerging as the perfect model of the private-public partnership (PPP) that has the potential of a quick growth if the grey areas are addressed, stakeholders say.

In 2018, more than 12000 people went to the Haj pilgrimage from Jammu and Kashmir. Before and after the Haj, almost 20,000 Muslims went on Umrah and spent almost a fortnight in Saudi Arabia. This is in addition to around 2000 Shia Muslims who go to holy shrines in Iraq, Iran, and Syria.

Since July 4, the Haj pilgrims have started taking off and the process will continue till July 29. This year, 11,600 pilgrims are going on Haj through State Haj Committee and additional 3000 through private operators and Haj Group Organisers (HGO).

By an average, Jammu and Kashmir spends slightly more than Rs 750 crore a year on the pilgrimages to Makkah. This has evolved a full-fledged economy of faith in which dozens of small companies are working and upgrading the processes to make it no-frills journey.

The pilgrimage to Makkah has evolved over the years. At one point of time, it worked slightly the same way in Saudi Arabia as the particular clans and families managed the Urs at various shrines across Kashmir. They would visit Muslim communities across the world and offer their services to the intending Haj pilgrims and later manage them once they would touch the sores of Saudi Arabia.

As communication improved, the government in Riyadh took over the entire process. Soon, the countries were given quotas so that the host state would be able to manage them. As the states became the direct stakeholders, the Haj pilgrimage automatically became the government exercises across the world. This process led to the birth of the All India Haj Committee as a statutory body and nodal agency for the pilgrimage in India, in 2002. All the states in India are its members.

This is why the state’s Haj Committee in Jammu and Kashmir is the major player in the entire exercise because it sends the maximum number from the state to the pilgrimage every year. The Haj Committee operates from its sprawling Rs 22 crore Haj House premises in Bemina, now the medulla of the yearly exercise. Unlike private operators who also are involved in Umrah, the Haj Committee is only associated with the Haj, once a year.

Hajj pilgrims collecting their luggage at Haj House Srinagar.

Hajj pilgrims collecting their luggage at Haj House Srinagar. KL Image by Bilal Bahadur

In 2018, 10293 pilgrims performed Haj through the Haj Committee. The number is gradually increasing. In 2015, only 4866 pilgrims from J&K went to Haj which increased to 6359 in 2016 and 8123 in 2017. In 2019, almost 11,600 pilgrims will be flying in 70 flights and the departure will continue on a daily basis between July 4 and July 29. This is in addition to the 3000 additional pilgrims who will be performing Haj through Private Tour Operators, now called Haj Group Organisers (HGO).

“The new policy has been the major change maker in the entire process and the systems,” Qamar Sajad, former CEO of the J&K Haj Committee said. “Though the scrapping of the subsidy component has made it slightly expensive (Rs 45000 per ticket), there were various policy interventions that have helped improve the process.”

Under the earlier system, there were two categories which had a reservation: applicants with age above 70 years; aspirants who could not get a berth even after applying for five consecutive seasons. In the new policy, the first category survived but the second reserved section was done away with. “These two categories were devouring most of the quota but in 2018 lot of seats were spared and went to the districts,” Sajad said.

But, still, there were more applications and quite a few berths. Against 32500 applicants in 2018, only 10293 seats were available. This was despite the fact that Delhi gave additional 2000 berths, over and above the rightful allocations (4.7 per cent of the overall quota available with the central Haj Committee). While the 70 years above application consumed slightly more than one-fifth of the availability, it still accommodated many applicants from other ages. Officials, however, insist the youngest Haj aspirants are getting down in numbers. In 2019, 797 pilgrims having the age of 70 years or more will be performing Haj under reserved category.

Officials said they had received 35290 applications including 15506 women. But the quota is slightly more than one-third of it. Those who are unable to get a berth usually try for a private option. That is where the HGOs get their business. “We have quite a few seats allotted but we tie-up with some non-local agencies who have the quota and we ensure they go.” This year, the private operators across India have got a 50,000-seat quota and Jammu and Kashmir is taking only a slice of 3000 berths from that. Most of it is through the non-local agencies. In 2018, the state, however, could not send any female without a Muharram (a known close relative) despite the policy permitted groups of four women without a Muharram in the 45-plus age group. “There were some applications, but once we investigated, we got the information that they all have Muharams alive so the applications were rejected,” Sajad said. In 2019, not a single female had moved an application to avail this particular category. However, 54 females whose male Mahram members got the berths, unlike them, were accommodated.

There have been improvements on the infrastructure front. Now pilgrims stay in the 500-bed Haj House and undergo all processes to board a direct flight from Srinagar excepting the immigration. “After the Haj season is over, we try to utilise the Haj House to host the marriage ceremonies so that we add up to earnings,” a senior Haj Committee executive said. “There were problems in 2016 but in the last two years, we made almost Rs 10 lakh and next year we plan to improve it.” The Committee is managed by two officers from the state government and nine staffers from the central Haj Committee in addition to some casuals whose services are utilised as per the requirements.

Haj pilgrims. KL Image by Bilal Bahadur

Haj pilgrims. KL Image by Bilal Bahadur

Subsidy scrapping, however, has increased the costs: almost Rs 45,000 per head. But Srinagar continues to be the costliest destination for Haj across India. “If you join the flock from Delhi, you will get it cheap by Rs 30,000 but you will have to pay for the travel to Delhi and boarding for at least three days, something that is free in Srinagar,” Sajad said. Around 514 pilgrims did avail this option in 2018. “The increased costs for a ticket are because the aircraft that fly the pilgrims from Srinagar fly without passengers one-side.” During Haj season, all air carriers escalate their rates in the Muslim belts because they have assured business of flying millions to one destination.

In 2017, the Haj Committee had arranged bigger 420-seat aircraft but those proved inconvenient as the pilgrims had longer waiting time after they disembarked. “In 2018, the Committee had one aircraft with 360 seats and three with 164 berths each on daily basis,” according to officials, insisting it reduced the complaints.

In 2018, per head costs through Haj Committee were Rs 2.60 lakh and almost Rs 3 lakh in the two categories. Of this, every pilgrim gets a refund of 2100 Saudi Riyals (Rs 37000).

This year, the Green Category of the Haj Committee cost Rs 304,000 and the pilgrims falling in Azizia Category paid Rs 267,000. HGOs normally seek four lakh rupees per head.

But the pilgrims undertaking the pilgrimage through Haj Group Organisers (HGO) pay more and get improved services. “It is completely a different exercise as far as facilities go,” Sheikh Feroz of al-Khudam Haj and Umrah Services said. “Haj Committee has the provision of one Khudam (guide) for every 200 pilgrims and we provide one Mualim (teacher) and one guide to every 50, or even less.” At places like Mina and Arafat, the HGO-managed pilgrims can have access to better food and spacious shelter unlike those managed by the Haj Committee. HGOs claim, unlike Haj Committee, they offer laundry facilities and cooked food.

“We were allotted only 500 seats for all the HGO in Jammu and Kashmir but some of our tie-up with other non-local operators and we eventually sent 2040 pilgrims in 2018,” Feroz said. “This year, we plan to send around 3000 pilgrims even though the economic situation has greatly altered after the early snowfall devastated the apple orchards.” By an average, the costs per head for Haj go up to Rs 4.5 lakh for 40-days package and in certain cases much higher, especially if the aspirants wish to perform Haj within a week.

The evolution of the HGOs in Kashmir is a long story. Right now there are around 80 and maybe more HGOs who work in the pilgrim tourism sector. Till 2018, only two HGOs were recognised; al-Khuddam and Universe Travel Co. This probably was because of the age of these two companies.

Travel documents of Haj pilgrims being checked by the officials. KL Image by Bilal Bahadur

Travel documents of Haj pilgrims being checked by the officials. KL Image by Bilal Bahadur

But this year, the systems have changed to some extent in the interest of the HGOs. The Haj Committee permitted ten HGOs from Jammu and Kashmir to take as many as 712 pilgrims to Haj at the rates that the Haj Committee has set. This is in addition to their quota. Al-Khuddam Haj and Umrah Services was given 150 berths which include a basic quota of 114 and an additional quota of 36 seats. “These 36 seats will go to the pilgrims who will be taken to Haj by us at the costs of the state Haj Committee but the facilities will be ours,” al-Khudam CEO Feroz Ahmad said. “This is a special category that makes us the top and distinct one in the state.”

As many as 106 seats were given to Universal Travel Corporation and Alhuda Travels. These include 79 seats of basic quota and 27 berths under additional quota. Seven other registered HGOs were given 50 seats each. These include Gazi Tours and Travels, Al Hayat Haj and Umrah Travel Services, Al Gazali Tour and Travels, Rohani Tours and Travels, Labiaka Haj and Umrah Service, BehreenTravels and Sehr Tours and Travels. This relaxation came at a time when the processes have become quite stringent. “You need to have IATA membership for $ 30,000 and they pay a yearly fee of $ 10,000,” Feroz said. “After this, one has to pay 2 lakh Saudi Riyals as a deposit for accreditation and wait for five years and that is a lifetime.”

To manage this situation, the HGOs are allying themselves with bigger players and keep the show going. This helps them acquire knowledge and pick up the skills. Raj Baba Tours and Travels, one of the association recently submitted a huge amount with the Saudi embassy to get accredited for managing visas and that is an additional new facility that was added to the HGO circuit in Kashmir, insiders said. “We would spoil weeks in Mumbai and Delhi to get the visas stamped and now that service will be locally available,” Feroz said.

Off the Haj season, the HGOs are keeping the show going on through Umrah, which is numerically much bigger than Haj but is spread across the year. “Last year, we sent more than 20,000 people on Umrah and the new season also did well and will resume post-Haj,” Feroz said. The Umrah numbers were slightly less than 28000 and 25000 from Kashmir in 2017 and 2016, respectively. “As more and more players are getting into the sector, the number is gradually increasing and in most of the cases, these are families which go for Umrah.” Feroz hoped that 2019 would see almost 30 to 35 thousand people from Jammu and Kashmir going to Umrah.

It is not costly, but it keeps the show going. By average, it costs Rs 75,000 for a fortnight-long journey.

Off late, the families in Kashmir prefer going to Umrah during winters when it is freezing cold back home, schools are off and there is nothing much worth doing at home. The trend is emerging quite a movement. “Most of the urban areas prefer autumn and winter and most of the periphery prefer early spring and winter,” Feroz said. “Though the Umrah can be performed for almost 10 months now, the HGOs work for almost seven months because nobody is keen to go in peak summer.”

Interestingly, the rush for Umrah during Ramzan is quite less in Kashmir because, for the last many years, the month of fasting falls in summer. “The year the month of fasting is in winter, you will see hoards of people going for Umrah,” Feroz said. “It will take a few years more and we will have to add up to our facilities to manage that rush, given the prevailing trend during winters.”

The sector insiders said that it has the potential of going to the next level if the governance structure intervenes. “For every package we sell, we are supposed to pay five per cent GST,” Feroz said. “Since the ticket forms a major part of the package, it is also having the GST element inbuilt and then most of the amount that we spend is on accommodation and transport abroad where we pay local tax. This makes it completely expensive.”

Srinagar is a declared international airport and the only off-shore connectivity is for the Haj pilgrimage. Even that facility is being offered to the pilgrims flying through Haj Committee. The trade suggests that if there is some connectivity to the Middle East on a weekly basis during winters, it will improve the sector.

Given the importance to the pilgrimage, the HGOs have to ensure that the sector does not get a bad name. A few years back, Hajeej India, an HGO took a lot of money from the pilgrims, closed the shop and fled. It triggered a serious crisis, forcing authorities to register a case and make arrests. Though some money was recovered and one of the three father-sons was repeatedly arrested, the exact status of the case is not known.

Haj pilgrims bidding adieu. KL Image by Bilal Bahadur

Haj pilgrims bidding adieu. KL Image by Bilal Bahadur

Feroz said they are very sensitive on this and that is why the association came into being. “If we see even an iota of malpractice or unfair means, we quickly react because it impacts the entire sector,” he said. “This sector is gradually growing and cannot afford a bad name. This can force the aspiring pilgrims to use the services of non-locals which mean capital flight.”

Besides a section of the Shia Muslims go to the holy sites in Middle East and that is another part of the pilgrim tourism. “This is a vast circuit comprising Karbala, Najaf, Kaznain, and Samarra in Iran, Iraq and Syria,” Raashid Maqbool, a media teacher said. “Off late, the 40-days Arabaeen Walk involving a walk for 90 km between Najaf to Karbala is attracting a lot of people and is emerging a major event,” Maqbool said these two events might be involving more than 2000 people a year from Kashmir and some HGOs are exclusively managing this.

Yatra’s Two Sides

$
0
0

While the arrangements for the Amarnath Yatra 2019 are exceptionally upgraded from both the axis, the curfew-like restrictions on the movement of commuters and merchandise on the National Highway has the potential to impact the state economy

A long line of stranded traffic on the Jammu Srinagar national highway as the authorities restrict traffic for 5-hours daily. Pic-Social Media

A long line of stranded traffic on the Jammu Srinagar national highway as the authorities restrict traffic for 5-hours daily. Pic-Social Media

On Friday, Naginder Singh Jamwal, the camp director of the ongoing Amarnath yatra at Baltal, had an interesting story to tell broadcaster, Talha Jehangir. A pilgrim had come to the director complaining that horseman had over-charged him. This led to an on-post investigation.

The base camp at Baltal has a number of billboards carrying the rate list for all kind of services. “When we checked the rate and the money the pilgrim had paid,” Jamwal told in a radio programme, “We found that the horseman had actually taken Rs 500 less than the approved rate. Once it was proved, there were clapping from every side.”

This is just one of the many incidents that are taking place on either side of the two treks that lead to the Amarnath cave. In one case, a relative of a pilgrim was unable to locate her brother and with the help of Radio Kashmir Srinagar (RKS), he was traced while taking off from Srinagar airport.

Not many people know that one of the newest things that have happened in Amarnath 2019 is that it has a high power radio transmission station broadcasting for 16 hours a day. Set up, literally in an emergency by the RKS engineers led by Niyaz Ahmad under K Murugan’s supervision, in a hut, the transmitter broadcasts at 103.7 MHz is being picked by the entire RKS FM network in addition to AIR-run FM Gold. Perhaps the first-ever joint exercise of Information and Broadcasting (I&B) Ministry and the Ministry of Culture, the station broadcasts rare archival Sanskrit Bajjans, Mantras, Vandnas in addition to all the news bulletins in Hindu, Urdu and Kashmiri.

“We broadcast public announcements and advisories and help locate pilgrims,” Jehangir, Kashmir’s famous broadcaster-satirist stand up, who is manning the station said. “It is a great experience and to be honest a great service and I see the pilgrims from diverse backgrounds impressed by the host population and the arrangements.” The broadcaster said his uninterrupted broadcasts during the devastating September 2014 floods are helping him manage the new assignment better, single-handedly.

The station that currently broadcasts at RKS’s Baltal station is being made available by the I&B Ministry through DTH in a few days where it will be known as Amarnath Yatra AIR. “In the last few days, we have aired more than 100 small interviews and everybody is appreciative of the arrangements and the hospitality of the host population,” Jehangir said.

ITPB personnel offering oxygen to the pilgrims suffering from breathing issues over the heights to Amarnath cave. Pic-ITBP

ITPB personnel offering oxygen to the pilgrims suffering from breathing issues over the heights to Amarnath cave. Pic-ITBP

But this is not the only newer thing that has happened in yatra 2019. Officials associated with the exercise said that for the first time, the visitors, not registered as pilgrims, can be instantly registered. “Every day, there is a provision of registering and instantly permitting 100 visitors to trek up to the cave,” a senior officer said.

More than 150 thousand pilgrims have registered themselves for the 46-day long pilgrimage, which takes place from the 36-km Pahalgam track in Jammu and Kashmir’s Anantnag district and 14-km Baltal route in Ganderbal district. The Shri Amarnath Shrine Board (SASB) has used the barcodes for the first time in the history of the pilgrimage and the objective is to gather actual statistics. The barcodes are being issued by the banks at the time of registration.

In 2018, officials said, 285006 pilgrims had paid obeisance at the cave against 352771 in 2015; 320490 in 2016 and 260003 in 2017.

The arrangements are flawless and impressive. A simple trek to Baltal or Pahalgam, the twin routes to the Amarnath cave, convey even to a simpleton that the arrangement for the 2019 pilgrimage have been exemplary and unprecedented. By now when more than 65000 pilgrims have had their darshan, there has not been any chaos over the treks on either side. As choppers are flying from Baltal, thousands are taking the arduous trek to the cave from both the axis.

“I have been covering the yatra for 15 years,” Bilal Bahadur, the Kashmir Life photo-journalist, said. “I have never seen such impressive arrangements on the treks or the base camp.” The arrangements at the community kitchens, the lunghars, the medical facilities, availability of hot and cold waters and the bedding in the camps, all have gone to the next level, in comparison to earlier years.

“The security arrangements are massive,” Bahadur said. “There are long lines of the paramilitary forces all along the trek till I could go.” The paramilitary men are not in battle gear but they also carry other life-saving systems. On last Thursday, when a huge batch of pilgrims that was descending to the base camp felt suffocated, as many 25 of them were administrated oxygen by the ITBP personnel.

On way to the cave from Baltal, there is a huge glacier that is at the foothills of a shooting stone belt. The ITBP has shot a small video showing its personnel literally lined up as the shooting stones are falling and they are using the transparent shields to prevent those stones as the yatra was going on.

In order to ensure better communication, Reliance Jio has introduced a special short prepaid plan for the pilgrims to stay connected to their families. For Rs 102, they get 500 MB of daily data with weeklong validity and free local and STD calls in addition to 100 messages per day.

Anil Kumar, a Jammu resident who is permanently living in Srinagar, said the improved facilities at pilgrimage sites are the focus of the new BJP government. “My relatives had gone to a pilgrimage in UP and they were amazed to see the change in the arrangements,” Kumar said. “This was long overdue and this is helping the government to send a message that it cares about them.”

Home Minister Amit Shah had specially flown to have a personal review of the arrangements. He had a detailed meeting with the security-grid and emphasised that the yatra has to be incident-free. This is the key factor why the yatra shall remain the governor Satya Pal Malik’s top priority for the next five weeks.

Unlike past, however, the pilgrimage has led to a sort of crisis in Kashmir. Authorities have literally blocked the Jammu-Srinagar national highway and the civilian traffic is permitted only after 3 pm. There are severe restrictions between Qazigund and Srinagar on the movement. Even the train has been stopped between Qazigund and Banihal.

This has created a massive crisis in Kashmir for the commuters and the businesses. This is almost getting to the same situation when the authorities had banned the civilian traffic on the highway for specific days in the wake of the February car-bomb-explosion near Lethpora in the anticipation to the Lok Sabha elections.

The restricted movement has started hitting everybody. “The unreasonable restrictions will throw the life of every citizen out of gear,” Rakesh Gupta, the president of Jammu Chamber of Commerce and Industry said. “The logistics cost increases manifold; perishable goods get damaged; there are no facilities for drivers and cleaners along the highway with no mobile toilets and the time limit of e-way bills expire.”

The national highway is already under crippling pressures at various places and is frequently collapsing. As the pilgrimage remains a priority, the local civilian and business traffic is facing a crisis.

Almost every political party has decried the ban. The newly set up Peoples United Front, an alliance between Shah Faesal and Engineer Rashid, staged a sit-in against the 5-hour ban.

“Who knows better than the security agencies that Kashmiris make the yatra a success,” Rasheed said. “But, by imposing such bans, the idea is to defame Kashmir and make their life miserable.” He sees it a communalisation aimed at political gains.

Ghulam Nabi, a government employee, was travelling from Jammu when at around 11 am he was stopped from moving ahead. In a commercial light vehicle, there were women and children in the vehicle that was stopped along with a few hundred vehicles near Toll Plaza in Udhampur. “It was scorching heat and the temperature was more than 42 degree and we were under the open sky with no access to water,” Nabi said. “As the kids and women started literally collapsing, we were permitted to move at 2:15 pm, barely 45 minutes before the ban officially ends.”

The curbs have hit the local as well as domestic tourists. “It is very difficult to even reach Pahalgam,” said a retired professor, whose son is a middle-rank police officer. “My son had arranged a party for the guests but despite being a policeman, he cancelled the event.”

Talha Jehangir, the ace Radio Kashmir Srinagar broadcaster, manning the yatra radio transmissions at Baltal. Kl Image Special arrangement

Talha Jehangir, the ace Radio Kashmir Srinagar broadcaster, manning the yatra radio transmissions at Baltal.
Kl Image Special arrangement

“Tourism sector has been the worst hit,” Farooq Amin, the Secretary-General of Kashmir Chamber of Commerce and Industry said. “There are reports about the tourists remaining stranded at various places on the highway for longer times that cancelled their schedules.” There are no problems for the tourists landing in Srinagar other than reaching Sonamarg and Pahalgam is difficult.

Traders insist that enforcing a sort of curfew on the national highway for the movement of the hugely-guarded convoys of the pilgrims will hit the state economy hard and divide the people.

Hanging An Imposter

$
0
0

In 1859, the East India Company hanged a Jammu Faqeer in Sialkot for claiming to be a prophet. Its details were published by Lahore Chronicle newspaper in October 1859 under the caption ‘The Prophet of The Punjab’. Read the rare report 160 years later

The Soalkote Fuqueer, Hubeeb Shah, was hanged at the Lahore District Jail on Saturday, the 24th of August. The thing went off just like any ordinary execution, and there was not the slightest stir or excitement. Inquiries have for the past six months been on foot regarding him and his antecedents, and though the inquiries are not yet complete, we can give our readers a few particulars regarding him.

He declared himself to the last to be a Sheikh by birth, and a native of MeerpoorChoumuk, near Poonch, in the territories of the Maharajah of Jummoo. But it is shown almost conclusively that he was not born there. He is believed to be of the low But-kunjur tribe, and to be a native of Jummoo itself. In this tribe, it is well known, that the men are all scamps, and the women prostitutes. Under these circumstances, it is no wonder that the man never could explain satisfactorily who his father was.

Some of this Fuqueer’s antecedents are equally edifying. For some time he was the menial servant of a dancing girl at Sealkote; he used to fill her hookah and light her pipe. The arrant impostor, however, soon took to religious mendicancy. He announced himself a devotee of Imam Mehadee (who in the Mahomedan belief is a prophet yet to come), and took the name of Mehadee Shah, since changed to Hubeeb Shah.

One day in 1852, when petty rent-free tenures were being investigated at Sealkote, he swaggered into the Settlement office, and said that when his prophet appeared on earth all the land would be rent-free. During 1857 he appears to have domesticated himself with the mutinous cavalry at Sealkote.

In 1858, that is last summer, he appeared at Nonar, a village in the Sealkote district, and alighted at a shrine. While there he invoked the name of God with a good deal of star-gazing, and said there was to be a joint reign on earth of Hindoo and Mahomodan divinities; a Devee for the Hindoos and an Imam for the Mahomedans. He would say “to horse, to horse, the time is near.” By these means he would terrify the rustics, and make them propitiate him by food and lodging.

His costume at this time was elegant, we might say imposing. A conical peaked hat, a long bluish robe, a green kerchief, and loose trousers, made people think he was a saint from the far countries beyond the Indus. Not content with this, however, he did while at Nonar a stroke of business which ultimately brought him to the gallows.

He goes to a MahomedanMoulvee who follows the mild profession of village schoolmaster, under the Educational department. This gentleman, though physically a cripple, has got a fanatical spirit. The Fuqueer then gets the schoolmaster to draft some proclamations. Some five or six are written in this way; some few more copies are made by the little boys at the school (ingenious youth). These precious documents breathe the spirit of the doctrine which the Fuqueer had been preaching orally; they appeal to both Hindoos and Mahomedans; the former are called on to arm for the Devee, the latter for the Imam. The revenue officials are invited to establish treasuries on behalf of both these “parties.” Double pay is promised to everybody, and a reward is fixed for the head of every European. But the Fuqueerpaid us the bad compliment of fixing the reward at a very un-remunerative rate, Rs 20 a head.

Most fanatics would say that they could not do the job at so low a figure; also the Fuqueer did not kowtow to the Sikhs; neither they nor their

Gooroo are mentioned in the proclamation. Each proclamation is addressed to some particular localities either in the Sealkote district or in some part of the Rechna Doab. This shows that his aspirations were not extensive. Armed with these papers, the Fuqueer has for the last twelve months been wandering about the Sealkote district. He doubtless unfolded his doctrine more or less everywhere; in some cases it is proved that he did.

It is to be presumed that he showed his proclamations to a select few, but it would be impossible to prove exactly to whom he showed them.

However, in July last, the talk about Imam Mehadee became more general, and the Moulvees generally (as the prisoner himself said) seemed to expect a prophet; so our Fuqueer goes to Zufferwal, near Sealkote, and gives a proclamation to the Tehseeldor, the chief native official there, and requests that it might be acted on immediately.

The Tehseeldar, a Mahomedan, had the sense and loyalty to give him up to the authorities; the result has been the execution of the Fuqueer.

As he was mounting the scaffold he expressed a hope that a shrine might be built over his remains! The authorities, however, committed his carcase to the flames.

Does Islam Guide In Situations Like Coronavirus Pandemic?

$
0
0

As the Coronavirus has made its entry into the Muslim world, there have been a series of interventions at different levels to fight the pandemic that has already killed more than 6570 people across more than 125 countries with the death rate as high as eight per cent. The Muslim scholars and the clergy are playing a key role in helping governance systems to manage the crisis.

In a recent dispatch, Al-Jazeera reported that the pandemic is changing the way Muslims worship across the world as the faithful are taking precautionary measures to avoid getting infected. Saudi Arabia has already banned Umrah pilgrimage and stopped foreigners visiting Islam’s holiest sites. It has restricted its own residents from performing Umrah. For the yearly Haj (July 28 to August 2), Riyadh is still silent. Prayers at the Masjid-al-Aqsa have also been restricted.

Iran that is the virus hotbed in the region has already stopped Friday congregations. It compromised its criminal justice system by letting the prisons – convicts and under-trials – go home for the time being.

Singapore Muslim leaders have advised worshippers to use own prayer mats, and avoid shaking hands, according to The Straits Times. Masagos Zulkifli, a minister in charge of Muslim affairs in Singapore, was quoted telling the faithful that they should stay at home if they showed any coronavirus symptoms. The Muslim Council of Britain (MCB) has called on mosques and Islamic schools to “keep your congregations safe”, by following the government’s advice. Tajikistan, which so far has no reported cases, has suspended Friday prayers.

Muslims in a south Kashmir shrine outwitting each other to get Tehri, food prepared in community kitchen on a day they participated in Salat-ut-Touba, prayers for repentance, to ward off Coronavirus. KL Image

The Middle East Monitor reported Egyptian Minister of Awqaf (Endowment), Mohamed Mokhtar Gomaa saying that if Muslim scholars are asking the health ministry to prevent the Friday prayers over the fear of the coronavirus spread, the ban is “permissible”. He was speaking to a conference held at Egypt’s Al-Azhar University. “In the event of an epidemic that is considered a threat to humanity, necessary measures must be taken to protect the human beings,” he stressed.

Writing in The Independent, London, Robert Fisk stated that there have been clear guidelines in the Islamic history suggesting how to behave in case of mass morbidity like plagues. “Within only seven years of the death of the Prophet Mohamed, pestilence struck the entire region. The Plague of Amwas, named after a Palestinian village not far from Jerusalem (its modern Arab inhabitants were evicted by Israeli forces in 1948), killed 20,000, including the prophet’s own companion Abu Ubaidah ibn al-Jarrah, and struck from Syria to what is today Saudi Arabia,” Frisk wrote. “In an earlier epidemic, the second caliph, Umar al-Khattab, was advancing from Medina to Syria – but turned back when he heard from Abu Ubaidah that a plague had broken out in Syria. He returned to Arabia, an act provoking a debate which has echoes even amid today’s coronavirus outbreak.” Muslim histories have lot of narratives about the plagues in the medieval era. “The Syrian writer Ibn al-Wardi, who was himself a victim of the plague in 1348, spoke of the Black Death emerging from “The Land of Darkness”. Up to 30 per cent of all Persians died in the 14th century. The great Arab traveller Ibn Battuta recorded 2,000 deaths a day in Damascus. Four years later, Mecca was struck by a plague apparently brought down the Haj pilgrimage route,” Frisk wrote.

The Guardian has a video of a Kuwaiti mosque on its website in which the Muezzin, who calls for prayers, asks the faithful to pray at home. The video caption reads: “A muezzin in Kuwait was heard saying ‘al-salatu fi buyutikum’ or ‘pray in your homes’ instead of the usual ‘hayya alas-salah’ or ‘come to prayer’.”

It is in this backdrop that we are reproducing a detailed easy that was lifted from the website of the California Islamic University. With a small but good faculty, this piece has apparently been written for the Western audience. Its details, however, have a universal appeal given the issues that mankind is confronted with. It has up to date references.

“In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful

On March 11, 2020, the World Health Organization declared Covid-19 a pandemic, affecting an exceptionally high proportion of the population over a wide geographic area. The original goal of containment to affected areas shifted to slowing down the spread of the disease in order to ease the burden on healthcare institutions. Since Covid-19 has a higher transmission rate than influenza, SARS, and MERS, ‘social distancing’ measures are being encouraged to slow the speed of the outbreak. Rather than infect a large number of people in one month, it can be spread out over a year so that hospitalizations are spread out and the chance of survival through proper healthcare is increased. It is also suggested that coming warm weather may help slow the spread of the virus. A vaccine is expected to take about a year to develop. Given these latest developments in our understanding of Covid-19 from a medical perspective, Muslims must keep the following in mind:

Covid-19: An electron microscopic image of the 2019 novel coronavirus grown in cells at The University of Hong Kong

Islam teaches that all diseases such as the Coronavirus [Covid-19] are tests from Allah and a natural part of life. Such diseases afflict whomever Allah allows them to afflict and they take the lives of whomever He has decided to bring to an end. Tests are a natural, albeit difficult, part of life and should not be surprising for any Muslim when they occur. Allah says, “We shall certainly test you with fear and hunger, and loss of property, lives, and crops. But [Prophet], give good news to those who are steadfast.” [Qur’an 2:155]

Anyone who is afflicted with the illness, and is patient, will spiritually benefit from that test. The Prophet said, “Whatever trouble, illness, anxiety, grief, hurt or sorrow afflicts any Muslim, even the prick of a thorn, God removes some of his sins by it.” [Bukhārī #5641] Regarding illnesses leading to death, the Prophet was asked about the plague. He responded, “It is a torment with which Allah afflicts those whom He chooses, but He has made it a mercy for the believers. If a servant [of Allah]is afflicted with the plague and patiently remains in his town, realizing that he has only been afflicted with what Allah has determined for him, he will have the reward of a martyr.” [Bukhārī #5734]

Islam requires us to both put our trust in Allah and utilize the means to protect ourselves when possible.

The Qur’an teaches us, as told to the Prophet, “Say: Nothing will afflict us except what Allah has decided for us.” [Qur’an 9:51]

Simultaneously though, we should take precautions by using medicine when ill, or quarantine when threatened with illness.

During the lifetime of the Prophet, some people thought that using medicine may go against the concept of relying on Allah [tawakkul]. Those people asked, “Messenger of Allah, should we use medicine?”  The Prophet replied, “Yes, you may use medicine.  Allah has not created any disease without also creating its cure, except one: old age.” [Abū Dāwūd #3855, graded ṣaḥīḥ by scholars] The Prophet clarified that the use of medicine is permissible and even encouraged and that this does not violate the concept of trust in Allah.

The Messenger of Allah said, “An ill person should not mix with healthy people.” [Muslim #2221b] The Prophet also said, “Avoid a [contagious]disease the way a person flees from a lion.” [Bukhārī #5707] Therefore, taking precautions to avoid the spread of infectious disease is something prescribed in Islam. Anyone testing positive for Covid-19 is not allowed to attend community events since they would be harming other people, and that is prohibited. The same applies for people who have travelled to the most affected areas such as China, Italy, Iran, and South Korea.

Hundreds of Muslims offered special prayers, seeking repentance, in the shrine mosque at Khanqah in Dooru on March 15, 2020. KL Image: Shah Hilal

Imam Ibn ʿAbdul Barr [d. 1071 CE] wrote: “Anything that would inconvenience one’s fellow worshipers in the mosque such as anyone afflicted with diarrhoea… foul odour due to illness…infectious virus, or anything else that would inconvenience the public, it is permitted for people to keep such an individual away, as long as the ailment is present. Once the condition ceases, they may return to the mosque.” [At-Tamhīd]

Caliph ʿUmar went to visit Syria when the plague of ʿAmawās broke out in 18 A.H. He sought consultation from his advisors on whether to return to Madīnah, the capital, or continue on. One of them said, “You left for the sake of Allah so this plague should not stop you.” Others advised the opposite. ʿUmar decided to return to Madīnah. Abū ʿUbaydah rebuked him, “Are you fleeing from the decree of Allah?” He responded, “Yes, I am fleeing from the decree of Allah to the decree of Allah. If you had camels and they entered a land with two sides, one fertile and the other barren, and you grazed them in the fertile area, wouldn’t you be doing that by the decree of Allah? And if you let them graze in the barren area, wouldn’t you be doing that also by the decree of Allah.” ʿUmar’s statement demonstrates an excellent example of how to balance between relying on Allah and taking sufficient precautions.

Umar had also received advice from ʿAbdurraḥmān ibn ʿAwf who told him that the Messenger of Allah said, “If you hear that it (the plague) has broken out in a land, do not go to it; but if it breaks out in a land where you are present, do not go out escaping from it.” [Saḥiḥ Al-Bukhārī #5730, Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim #2219] This advice is perfectly in line with one of the underlying objectives of the Sharīʿah [Islamic Law], which is to preserve life. Imam Al-Āmidī [d. 631/1233] wrote: “The rules [in Islam]have only been prescribed for the benefit of His servants. The fact that they have underlying purposes and wisdom is grounded in both consensus and reason.”

Srinagar Municipal Corporation staff sprays disinfectant as a precautionary measure against Coronavirus in Srinagar’s historic Jamia Masjid on March 13, 2020. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

The underlying principle for the proper reaction to an infectious disease such as Covid-19 is the statement of the Messenger of Allah, “Do not cause harm, and don’t get harmed [lā ḍarar wa lā ḍirār].” [Muwaṭṭa’ #1435] This general statement requires some interpretation. Guidelines provided by public health institutions are often general and require some level of interpretation to correctly ascertain the threat to individuals and society. An ethico-legal evaluation must weigh both scripture and scientific research in light of theological imperatives.

Both preservation of the religion [dīn] and preservation of life are amongst the primary objectives of the Sharīʿah [Islamic Law].

Hardship [mashaqqah] is often part and parcel of many acts of worship in Islam, such as fasting on long, hot days. When difficulty reaches a certain threshold, some rules may be relaxed, such as when an injured person is allowed to sit during prayer instead of standing, or when an ill person may skip fasting in Ramadan and make it up later.

However, there is a difference between a concession [rukhṣah], where a rule is eased, and skipping an obligation due to absolute necessity [ḍarūrah]. Something prohibited may become allowed in dire circumstances, such as uttering words against Islam when being tortured, or even eating pork and wine when starving. These exemptions are explicitly mentioned in the Qur’an and come under the general wisdom mentioned in the verse, “Allah intends for you ease and He does not want to make things [unnecessarily]difficult for you.” [Qur’an 2:185]

Islamic guidelines require scholars to accurately [as possible]weigh the benefits/harms in this life and the afterlife before issuing an exemption on any required act.

Muslims busy in ablutions in the Jamia Masjid Srinagar. Muslims are supposed to clean part of their bodies including hands, toes, face, nose, mouth and ears before going to prayers five times a day. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

Precautionary measures should be taken, or may be required, when there is a genuine threat of danger, and not a mere feeling of fear or panic. The threat assessment varies from one region to another and one person to another. A decision to suspend religious activities should be made after consultation with public health experts, and it must be consistent throughout a community to ensure it is neither excessive nor insufficient.

Shaking hands with other Muslims is not a requirement in Islam. In fact, initiating a greeting is considered a recommended act. Only responding to greetings is required. Therefore, shaking hands with ‘high risk’ individuals is discouraged, or even frowned upon. A fist bump or a hand-over-the-heart greeting suffices to convey love, affection, and send peace [salām] on others.

Friday Prayer [jumu`ah] is obligatory on adult males who are neither sick nor travelling. In order for the obligation to be lifted from these individuals, there must be credible warnings by public health institutions that there is actual harm in holding these gatherings. Furthermore, other such large gatherings such as weddings, public events, etc must also be cancelled in the area in order to prevent the unfair targeting of religious institutions for closure. The exemption varies from region to region. In an area where there are no credible warnings, those who are obligated to attend Friday prayer must continue to do so.

Friday prayer does not need to be performed in a mosque. It can be in a park, an office, or elsewhere. A Friday sermon can be only a few minutes long and the minimum number of people required to attend [according to the Ḥanafī school]is four.

While fear or concern does not have to reach the level of certainty, a highly probable fear or concern suffices to make exceptions or modifications to certain prescribed rules. Although the Covid-19 pandemic is being politicized, there is no reason to doubt the near-consensus of healthcare experts on the actual risk posed by the virus. In fact, the CDC has issued a clarification that there is little evidence to support using face masks to prevent the disease, though it minimizes risk to others [or should be used if caring for people who have respiratory illness]. This, and other statements, demonstrate that they are unlikely to be accused of causing an unnecessary panic or having other foul motives.

There is historical legal precedent in exempting people from the Friday prayer for reasons which may be considered less severe than Covid-19 concerns. The Ḥanbalī legal scholar Imam Ibn Qudāmah [d. 1223 CE] wrote, “A man may be excused for not praying Friday prayer [jumuʿah]… because of rain that makes the clothes wet, or mud that causes annoyance or stains the clothes. It was narrated that Ibn ʿAbbās said to the caller of prayer on a very rainy day: ‘When you say: I bear witness that there is no God but Allah and I bear witness that Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah, do not say ‘come to prayer’ but rather say ‘pray in your houses’. Some people found that strange, so he responded to them: ‘Are you surprised by what I just said? A person better than me did just that [referring to the Prophet].” [Al-Mughnī 1:366]

Contemporary scholar Shaykh Ibn ʿUthaymīn explained this exception as follows, “In the past, people used to suffer because of mud, because the marketplaces had dirt floors, and when rain fell it became muddy and slippery, so it was very difficult for people to attend the mosque. If this happens, then he is excused. But nowadays, that does not cause any problem, because the markets are paved and there are no dirt floors.” [Ash-Sharḥ Al-Mumtiʿ 4:317] It may be legitimately argued that concerns about heavy rain, even in the past, are less severe than the current infection concerns in certain areas.

Those who are at significantly higher risk of infection, such as the elderly and immune-compromised, may fall into the category of those who are ‘sick’ and be exempted from prayer, even in areas where the average adult male is not exempted. ‘Risk’ is relative, but there is room to err on the side of caution given the seriousness of the fatality rate of Covid-19 in the ‘high risk’ population.

Staff nurses and other officials of Chest Diseases Hospital Srinagar have started wearing masks following the apprehensions that some patients might be carrying the Coronavirus infection. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur

The five daily communal prayers may be performed alone or in a group. Although it is highly recommended to pray in a group, it is not required. However, given the current recommendations in many areas to prevent large gatherings, the daily prayers are usually much smaller gatherings than Friday prayer and may not be subject to the same cancellation precautions. Nonetheless, given the recommendation of ‘social distancing’ in many affected areas, there may be sufficient justification for reducing the number of group-prayers one engages in.

Muslims must not only care for their own wellbeing but the wellbeing of others.

The Prophet said, “Whoever believes in Allah and the Last Day should not harm his neighbour.” [Bukhārī #6018] This can be extended to the person who is physically next to you.

The Centre’s for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC] has explained that Covid-19 has an incubation period of 1-14 days before common symptoms of fever, dry cough, or fatigue show up in infected patients. During this period, a carrier has the ability to spread it to others through exposure to droplets from coughing/sneezing or by touching an affected surface and then touching the mouth, eyes, or nose. The assumed fatality rate of those infected is about 1%, but it is higher in those at risk. Therefore, even though many people who are infected will not be significantly harmed by the disease, they can seriously harm by spreading it to others who are at higher risk. This fact must be taken into consideration by people who are less-at-risk.

Muslims should benefit from the lessons that such tests teach us. Imam Al-ʿIzz ibn Abdussalam [d. 1262 CE] explained that a calamity has the following benefits:

It leads people to sincerity and causes them to repent for their mistakes. Pain or suffering that brings people closer to Allah is not actually a calamity, but a blessing in the greater scheme of things.

It is an opportunity to help others and gain immense reward.

It is an opportunity to appreciate the blessings that people having been enjoying but neglected due to heedlessness.

It gives people an opportunity to have their sins purified by being patient and responding in the correct way to the calamity.

Viewing all 104 articles
Browse latest View live